reponse to Israeli Med Assoc from signatory of letter calling for boycott
I'd like to provide some background information on the call by 130
(now nearly 140) UK doctors for a boycott of the Israeli Medical
Association (IMA), published in the Guardian of 21 April and the subject
of a news item by Owen Dyer in the BMJ of 29 April.
Owen Dyer quotes from a recent response from the IMA to the arguments
for boycott made recently by the 18 leading Palestinian organisations in
the health field we alluded to in our letter. I'm afraid the IMA response
is empty rhetoric written for public relations purposes. A world away from
these words are the decisions the IMA has taken with its eyes open over
many years: it is on this account that the Israeli Physicians for Human
Rights (PHRI), a principled and committed group,labelled the IMA in the
Lancet as an arm of the Israeli establishment whose role it was to obscure
the health-related realities of Israeli occupation. IMA President Blachar
has taken this duty with him to the World Medical Association: his
presence there-as Chair of Council no less-ensures that the WMA does
nothing. True to form, I note that the WMA Secretary General has declined
to comment on our letter-yet this is a matter that goes to the heart of
their mandate as the world's official watchdog on medical ethics.
The charges against the IMA are broadly in 2 categories.
(1)TORTURE
Torture has been an instrument of stste policy in Israel for many
years, and continues to this day. In 1996 Amnesty International concluded
that Israeli doctors working with the security services "form part of a
system in which detainees are tortured,ill-treated and humiliated in ways
that place prison medical practice in conflict with medical ethics".
Amnesty, and other organisations who approached the IMA to urge them to
take a stand have been consistently rebuffed. This too has been my
experience when I published articles in mainstream medical journals-
notable the BMJ and the Lancet. In response to one of these, published in
the Lancet, IMA President Blachar actually justified the use of “ moderate
physical pressure”, the euphemism in Israel for torture: this does not
happen every day in the pages of an international medical journal!
The moral and strategic line taken on torture by the IMA was well
captured by a remark made by Professor Eran Dolev, then IMA Head of Ethics
(yes, Ethics!) in an interview in 1999 with a visiting delegation from the
Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture, London (for whom I
was principal psychiatrist for 9 years). Prof Dolev stated that that “a
couple of broken fingers” during the interrogation of Palestinians was
worthwhile for the information it might garner. When I published this in
the Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, verified by those present at
the interview, Dr Blachar defended Prof Dolev.
2 years earlier I had written to the IMA after a human rights
conference in Gaza, when an Israeli physician had told me that a medical
colleague had confessed to her that he had removed the intravenous drip
from the arm of a seriously ill Palestinian prisoner, and told the man
that if he wanted to live, he should co-operate with his interrogators. I
asked the IMA to investigate but they never replied, even after reminders.
(2) VIOLATIONS OF FOURTH GENEVA CONVENTION RELATING TO RIGHTS OF
CIVILIAN POPULATIONS/HEALTH PROFESSIONALS AND SERVICES
When challenged in the BMJ or Lancet, the IMA continues to maintain
that there are no medical ethical concerns arising out of the conduct of
the Israeli army towards the Palestinian general population? After my BMJ
review of 16 Oct 2004 on the impact on health and health services, the IMA
President posted up a rapid response at bmj.com on 15 December thus: “ the
lies and hatred he spews are reminiscent of some of the worst forms of
anti-semitism ever espoused”.I suggest that readers look at the whole text
of his response. He directs open contempt towards the mass of
documentation in the public domain- from distinguished international
agencies like Amnesty International (500 reports since 2000 on
Israel/Palestine), Human Rights Watch, the Red Cross, UN Commission on
Human Rights, Medecins Sans Frontieres, and regional ones like PHRI and
B’Tselem in Israel, and Health, Development, Information, and Policy
Institute in the Occupied West Bank. Here too we see the smear of anti-
semitism, and indeed an indirect allusion to the Nazi period, used to
silence legitimate criticism based on exhaustive and authoritative
documentation.
Owen Dyer quotes the IMA as saying that they "were struck by the
enormity of the lies and twisted assertions" we have made. An article in
the Israeli newspaper Jerusalem Post of 2 days ago (by BMJ Israel
correspondent Judy Siegel-Itzkovich) quotes President Blachar as saying
that "this is another in the series of fantasies in which Mr Derek
Summerfield lives". Is Amnesty International reporting fantasies?
Yet the Israeli Defence force (IDF) operates in a climate of near
total impunity, with disproportionate force directed implacably towards
the civilian population: over 4000 shot dead in the last 6 1/2 years,
including around 850 children. These are truly shocking numbers, and ever
growing. The testimonies of the ‘Breaking the Silence’ group of ex-
soldiers attest to shoot-to-kill policies that give the lie to official
mantras about minimising the risk to civilians. A veritable mass of
documentation now confirms systematic and ongoing violations of the
medical ethical sections of the Fourth Geneva Convention. There have been
many deaths of seriously ill Palestinians, and of newborn infants, at army
checkpoints because they were denied access to hospital. Palestinian
health professionals have been shot dead or wounded on duty. Ambulance
drivers on duty are interrogated, searched, threatened, humiliated and
assaulted. Wounded men have been taken from ambulances at checkpoints and
sent directly to prison, and on other occasions Israeli soldiers have
commandeered ambulances as transport. On many occasions ambulances of the
Palestinian Red Crescent society have been hit by IDF gunfire. On the 1st
April 2004 the IDF fired missiles at Bethlehem psychiatric hospital, which
had 250 patients and 75 staff present at the time. There was extensive
damage and staff were arrested. Clearly identified medical clinics,
including those run by the aid agency Medecins Sans Frontieres, have been
hit by gunfire. The International Committee of the Red Cross and other aid
agencies have at times been forced to limit their work in the West Bank
because of threats to staff and attacks on vehicles by the IDF. There has
been wilful hampering of the distribution of food aid, on which half a
million people are now dependent. A study by Johns Hopkins and Al Quds
Universities found that 20% of Palestinian children under 5 years old were
anaemic and 22% malnourished. The IDF has also wilfully destroyed water
supplies, electric power and other elements of the public health
infrastructure. The continued building of the apartheid wall and fence
has hugely damaged the coherence of the Palestinian health system.
Patients died in Gaza hospitals as a direct consequence of Israeli
blockade of goods (including medical supplies) and of funds to pay public
sector workers. - for example, because dialysis fluids or chemotherapeutic
agents had run out. The Israeli doctors of Physicians for Human Rights
Israel (PHRI) published a report on Gaza in late 2006- they quoted Jan
Egeland, the UN Under Secretary-General for humanitarian Affairs as saying
“there is no hope” in Gaza. Women and children present with palpable
malnutrition. Barely supplied hospitals have been overwhelmed by
casualties, many with terrible wounds, from Israeli bombing (nearly 300
dead, including 66 children, since June 2006- and poorly reported), and
their morgues fill up with charcoaled and shredded bodies. There were
interruptions of power supplies due to Israeli bombing and hospitals had
to save their generators for operating theatres and emergency rooms only.
Patients with medical problems for which there was no treatment in Gaza
were “condemned to a slow death” (as the PHRI report put it) because they
were blocked from seeking treatment in Egypt or Israel. Even people who
were not initially critically ill died from blood loss after Israeli
bombing because the movement of ambulances and medical staff required
permission from the IDF- frequently denied or delayed.
It has been evident for several years that Palestinian medical staff
on duty could not count on the immunity afforded them by the Fourth Geneva
Convention. They too are targets.11 people were killed on June 13 2006
when 2 missiles were delivered from the air at a car. This included 2
paramedics who ran from a nearly medical facility to attend to the victims
of the first missile and were killed by the second, which appears to have
been fired despite a clear view of the scene. The Red Cross protested at a
recent instance, on November 5, when 2 paramedics wearing “clearly marked
fluorescent jackets” were shot dead when they got out of an ambulance
(with siren and flashing lights) to evacuate wounded civilians.
Similar and persistent violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention
have been widely reported following Israel’s attack and destruction of a
neighbouring sovereign state, Lebanon, with over 1300 civilians murdered.
Reportedly as many as one million cluster bombs, which are essentially
anti-personnel devices aimed at civilians, were seeded in defiance of the
Geneva Convention, as the UN has pointed out. Israel has now admitted that
phosphorus containing weapons were used, also illegal against civilians,
as they were in their 1982 invasion of Lebanon (the journalist Robert Fisk
remembers seeing the bodies of 2 children re-igniting when taken out of
the mortuary). Furthermore, the Secretary of the European Committee on
Radiation Risk states that samples taken from blast sites suggest that
uranium- based bombs may have been used as well. Hospitals were hit and UK
newspapers carried photographs of a wrecked ambulance, with the point of
entry of the missile at the very centre of the large red cross painted on
the roof. I note a letter in the Lancet of September 2 2006 in which a
physician in the Family Medicine Programme, American University of Beirut,
describes his attempts to recruit colleagues to help staff a hospital
several kilometres away. He reports that volunteers did not want to go in
an ambulance “because such vehicles were targets”.
The IMA have been entirely and consistently silent about the medical
ethical aspects of such events, as PHRI confirms. Indeed Hadas Ziv,
current head of PHRI, tells me that the IMA no longer even replying to
their letters of concern: it sounds as if the IMA is boycotting PHRI!
Similar letters from PHRI to the WMA also go unanswered. What are they to
infer from this?
Our call for boycott focuses on the IMA specifically, but we could
further note that these grave matters have attracted very little
condemnation from the medical profession in Israel (PHRI apart), with
their academic bases in Israeli medical schools and research institutes.
Many of these doctors have international academic connections, and unlike
their Palestinian counterparts their movements are unhampered, their
respectability and probity unchallenged. Why is this? Indeed Israeli
medical campuses have maintained a studied silence about the tremendous
harm done over many years to the capacity of their Palestinian
counterparts to function normally: the restrictions, the prolonged
closures, the damage to property, the campus incursions by the Israeli
army, the arbitrary expulsions, the harrassment and shooting of students
on their way to lectures. Because of the building of the Wall (declared
illegal by the International Court of Justice in July 2004), which looms
over the campus of Al-Quds medical school in Jerusalem, final clinical
exams were disrupted and displaced because suitable patients could not
reach the medical school, and in 2005 twelve graduates from Gaza were
refused permits to attend the graduation ceremony.
It is hard to avoid the conclusion that with honourable exceptions
most doctors and medical academics are in active or passive collusion with
an aggressive colonisation, with the control and, increasingly, the frank
crushing of every sector of Palestinian civil society, and with a self-
justifying discourse that trades on a dehumanising contempt for
Palestinian as people in a different moral universe.
So what are we to do? Firstly, repeated efforts to reach out to the
IMA has been unavailing, as experience bears out unambiguously. Secondly,
the WMA have refused to challenge the IMA; or even to acknowledge the
problem. They seem unmoved by the mountain of material by Amnesty and
others- how can this be? Indeed in a telephone conversation with me 3
years ago WMA Secretary General Delon Human defended the IMA. Thirdly,
British doctors might expect some action from their own association, the
BMA, whose International Committee deal with ethical matters, but they
have hidden behind platitudes (“we believe in education”, as if the IMA
had not had a clear-cut strategy over many years). The BMA has
consistently declined to challenge the IMA record at the WMA and has
stressed its collegiate relationship with the IMA.
We do not lightly call for an academic boycott but things have surely
come to this. If not now, when? It was at a moment like this that calls
went out (and there was considerable opposition then too) for the academic
isolation of South Africa during the apartheid era. This rightly included
a boycott of the medical profession for collusion of a very similar nature
to what we see today in Israel. For instance, the Medical Association of
South Africa was for a time suspended from membership of the WMA. On
visits out there in recent years (I am South African born) I have heard it
said more than once that the boycott played a distinct role in bringing
the profession to its senses. As in South Africa, the Israeli medical
profession, and the establishment generally, is sensitive to opinion in
the Western world, not least from fellow doctors.
A boycott of the IMA (which is an institutional, not individual
boycott)in an extreme situation is a moral and ethical imperative when all
else has failed, for otherwise we are in effect turning away. It is not
contrary to “academic freedom”, as some assert, but in its very spirit.I
appeal for
Rapid Response:
reponse to Israeli Med Assoc from signatory of letter calling for boycott
I'd like to provide some background information on the call by 130
(now nearly 140) UK doctors for a boycott of the Israeli Medical
Association (IMA), published in the Guardian of 21 April and the subject
of a news item by Owen Dyer in the BMJ of 29 April.
Owen Dyer quotes from a recent response from the IMA to the arguments
for boycott made recently by the 18 leading Palestinian organisations in
the health field we alluded to in our letter. I'm afraid the IMA response
is empty rhetoric written for public relations purposes. A world away from
these words are the decisions the IMA has taken with its eyes open over
many years: it is on this account that the Israeli Physicians for Human
Rights (PHRI), a principled and committed group,labelled the IMA in the
Lancet as an arm of the Israeli establishment whose role it was to obscure
the health-related realities of Israeli occupation. IMA President Blachar
has taken this duty with him to the World Medical Association: his
presence there-as Chair of Council no less-ensures that the WMA does
nothing. True to form, I note that the WMA Secretary General has declined
to comment on our letter-yet this is a matter that goes to the heart of
their mandate as the world's official watchdog on medical ethics.
The charges against the IMA are broadly in 2 categories.
(1)TORTURE
Torture has been an instrument of stste policy in Israel for many
years, and continues to this day. In 1996 Amnesty International concluded
that Israeli doctors working with the security services "form part of a
system in which detainees are tortured,ill-treated and humiliated in ways
that place prison medical practice in conflict with medical ethics".
Amnesty, and other organisations who approached the IMA to urge them to
take a stand have been consistently rebuffed. This too has been my
experience when I published articles in mainstream medical journals-
notable the BMJ and the Lancet. In response to one of these, published in
the Lancet, IMA President Blachar actually justified the use of “ moderate
physical pressure”, the euphemism in Israel for torture: this does not
happen every day in the pages of an international medical journal!
The moral and strategic line taken on torture by the IMA was well
captured by a remark made by Professor Eran Dolev, then IMA Head of Ethics
(yes, Ethics!) in an interview in 1999 with a visiting delegation from the
Medical Foundation for the Care of Victims of Torture, London (for whom I
was principal psychiatrist for 9 years). Prof Dolev stated that that “a
couple of broken fingers” during the interrogation of Palestinians was
worthwhile for the information it might garner. When I published this in
the Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, verified by those present at
the interview, Dr Blachar defended Prof Dolev.
2 years earlier I had written to the IMA after a human rights
conference in Gaza, when an Israeli physician had told me that a medical
colleague had confessed to her that he had removed the intravenous drip
from the arm of a seriously ill Palestinian prisoner, and told the man
that if he wanted to live, he should co-operate with his interrogators. I
asked the IMA to investigate but they never replied, even after reminders.
(2) VIOLATIONS OF FOURTH GENEVA CONVENTION RELATING TO RIGHTS OF
CIVILIAN POPULATIONS/HEALTH PROFESSIONALS AND SERVICES
When challenged in the BMJ or Lancet, the IMA continues to maintain
that there are no medical ethical concerns arising out of the conduct of
the Israeli army towards the Palestinian general population? After my BMJ
review of 16 Oct 2004 on the impact on health and health services, the IMA
President posted up a rapid response at bmj.com on 15 December thus: “ the
lies and hatred he spews are reminiscent of some of the worst forms of
anti-semitism ever espoused”.I suggest that readers look at the whole text
of his response. He directs open contempt towards the mass of
documentation in the public domain- from distinguished international
agencies like Amnesty International (500 reports since 2000 on
Israel/Palestine), Human Rights Watch, the Red Cross, UN Commission on
Human Rights, Medecins Sans Frontieres, and regional ones like PHRI and
B’Tselem in Israel, and Health, Development, Information, and Policy
Institute in the Occupied West Bank. Here too we see the smear of anti-
semitism, and indeed an indirect allusion to the Nazi period, used to
silence legitimate criticism based on exhaustive and authoritative
documentation.
Owen Dyer quotes the IMA as saying that they "were struck by the
enormity of the lies and twisted assertions" we have made. An article in
the Israeli newspaper Jerusalem Post of 2 days ago (by BMJ Israel
correspondent Judy Siegel-Itzkovich) quotes President Blachar as saying
that "this is another in the series of fantasies in which Mr Derek
Summerfield lives". Is Amnesty International reporting fantasies?
Yet the Israeli Defence force (IDF) operates in a climate of near
total impunity, with disproportionate force directed implacably towards
the civilian population: over 4000 shot dead in the last 6 1/2 years,
including around 850 children. These are truly shocking numbers, and ever
growing. The testimonies of the ‘Breaking the Silence’ group of ex-
soldiers attest to shoot-to-kill policies that give the lie to official
mantras about minimising the risk to civilians. A veritable mass of
documentation now confirms systematic and ongoing violations of the
medical ethical sections of the Fourth Geneva Convention. There have been
many deaths of seriously ill Palestinians, and of newborn infants, at army
checkpoints because they were denied access to hospital. Palestinian
health professionals have been shot dead or wounded on duty. Ambulance
drivers on duty are interrogated, searched, threatened, humiliated and
assaulted. Wounded men have been taken from ambulances at checkpoints and
sent directly to prison, and on other occasions Israeli soldiers have
commandeered ambulances as transport. On many occasions ambulances of the
Palestinian Red Crescent society have been hit by IDF gunfire. On the 1st
April 2004 the IDF fired missiles at Bethlehem psychiatric hospital, which
had 250 patients and 75 staff present at the time. There was extensive
damage and staff were arrested. Clearly identified medical clinics,
including those run by the aid agency Medecins Sans Frontieres, have been
hit by gunfire. The International Committee of the Red Cross and other aid
agencies have at times been forced to limit their work in the West Bank
because of threats to staff and attacks on vehicles by the IDF. There has
been wilful hampering of the distribution of food aid, on which half a
million people are now dependent. A study by Johns Hopkins and Al Quds
Universities found that 20% of Palestinian children under 5 years old were
anaemic and 22% malnourished. The IDF has also wilfully destroyed water
supplies, electric power and other elements of the public health
infrastructure. The continued building of the apartheid wall and fence
has hugely damaged the coherence of the Palestinian health system.
Patients died in Gaza hospitals as a direct consequence of Israeli
blockade of goods (including medical supplies) and of funds to pay public
sector workers. - for example, because dialysis fluids or chemotherapeutic
agents had run out. The Israeli doctors of Physicians for Human Rights
Israel (PHRI) published a report on Gaza in late 2006- they quoted Jan
Egeland, the UN Under Secretary-General for humanitarian Affairs as saying
“there is no hope” in Gaza. Women and children present with palpable
malnutrition. Barely supplied hospitals have been overwhelmed by
casualties, many with terrible wounds, from Israeli bombing (nearly 300
dead, including 66 children, since June 2006- and poorly reported), and
their morgues fill up with charcoaled and shredded bodies. There were
interruptions of power supplies due to Israeli bombing and hospitals had
to save their generators for operating theatres and emergency rooms only.
Patients with medical problems for which there was no treatment in Gaza
were “condemned to a slow death” (as the PHRI report put it) because they
were blocked from seeking treatment in Egypt or Israel. Even people who
were not initially critically ill died from blood loss after Israeli
bombing because the movement of ambulances and medical staff required
permission from the IDF- frequently denied or delayed.
It has been evident for several years that Palestinian medical staff
on duty could not count on the immunity afforded them by the Fourth Geneva
Convention. They too are targets.11 people were killed on June 13 2006
when 2 missiles were delivered from the air at a car. This included 2
paramedics who ran from a nearly medical facility to attend to the victims
of the first missile and were killed by the second, which appears to have
been fired despite a clear view of the scene. The Red Cross protested at a
recent instance, on November 5, when 2 paramedics wearing “clearly marked
fluorescent jackets” were shot dead when they got out of an ambulance
(with siren and flashing lights) to evacuate wounded civilians.
Similar and persistent violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention
have been widely reported following Israel’s attack and destruction of a
neighbouring sovereign state, Lebanon, with over 1300 civilians murdered.
Reportedly as many as one million cluster bombs, which are essentially
anti-personnel devices aimed at civilians, were seeded in defiance of the
Geneva Convention, as the UN has pointed out. Israel has now admitted that
phosphorus containing weapons were used, also illegal against civilians,
as they were in their 1982 invasion of Lebanon (the journalist Robert Fisk
remembers seeing the bodies of 2 children re-igniting when taken out of
the mortuary). Furthermore, the Secretary of the European Committee on
Radiation Risk states that samples taken from blast sites suggest that
uranium- based bombs may have been used as well. Hospitals were hit and UK
newspapers carried photographs of a wrecked ambulance, with the point of
entry of the missile at the very centre of the large red cross painted on
the roof. I note a letter in the Lancet of September 2 2006 in which a
physician in the Family Medicine Programme, American University of Beirut,
describes his attempts to recruit colleagues to help staff a hospital
several kilometres away. He reports that volunteers did not want to go in
an ambulance “because such vehicles were targets”.
The IMA have been entirely and consistently silent about the medical
ethical aspects of such events, as PHRI confirms. Indeed Hadas Ziv,
current head of PHRI, tells me that the IMA no longer even replying to
their letters of concern: it sounds as if the IMA is boycotting PHRI!
Similar letters from PHRI to the WMA also go unanswered. What are they to
infer from this?
Our call for boycott focuses on the IMA specifically, but we could
further note that these grave matters have attracted very little
condemnation from the medical profession in Israel (PHRI apart), with
their academic bases in Israeli medical schools and research institutes.
Many of these doctors have international academic connections, and unlike
their Palestinian counterparts their movements are unhampered, their
respectability and probity unchallenged. Why is this? Indeed Israeli
medical campuses have maintained a studied silence about the tremendous
harm done over many years to the capacity of their Palestinian
counterparts to function normally: the restrictions, the prolonged
closures, the damage to property, the campus incursions by the Israeli
army, the arbitrary expulsions, the harrassment and shooting of students
on their way to lectures. Because of the building of the Wall (declared
illegal by the International Court of Justice in July 2004), which looms
over the campus of Al-Quds medical school in Jerusalem, final clinical
exams were disrupted and displaced because suitable patients could not
reach the medical school, and in 2005 twelve graduates from Gaza were
refused permits to attend the graduation ceremony.
It is hard to avoid the conclusion that with honourable exceptions
most doctors and medical academics are in active or passive collusion with
an aggressive colonisation, with the control and, increasingly, the frank
crushing of every sector of Palestinian civil society, and with a self-
justifying discourse that trades on a dehumanising contempt for
Palestinian as people in a different moral universe.
So what are we to do? Firstly, repeated efforts to reach out to the
IMA has been unavailing, as experience bears out unambiguously. Secondly,
the WMA have refused to challenge the IMA; or even to acknowledge the
problem. They seem unmoved by the mountain of material by Amnesty and
others- how can this be? Indeed in a telephone conversation with me 3
years ago WMA Secretary General Delon Human defended the IMA. Thirdly,
British doctors might expect some action from their own association, the
BMA, whose International Committee deal with ethical matters, but they
have hidden behind platitudes (“we believe in education”, as if the IMA
had not had a clear-cut strategy over many years). The BMA has
consistently declined to challenge the IMA record at the WMA and has
stressed its collegiate relationship with the IMA.
We do not lightly call for an academic boycott but things have surely
come to this. If not now, when? It was at a moment like this that calls
went out (and there was considerable opposition then too) for the academic
isolation of South Africa during the apartheid era. This rightly included
a boycott of the medical profession for collusion of a very similar nature
to what we see today in Israel. For instance, the Medical Association of
South Africa was for a time suspended from membership of the WMA. On
visits out there in recent years (I am South African born) I have heard it
said more than once that the boycott played a distinct role in bringing
the profession to its senses. As in South Africa, the Israeli medical
profession, and the establishment generally, is sensitive to opinion in
the Western world, not least from fellow doctors.
A boycott of the IMA (which is an institutional, not individual
boycott)in an extreme situation is a moral and ethical imperative when all
else has failed, for otherwise we are in effect turning away. It is not
contrary to “academic freedom”, as some assert, but in its very spirit.I
appeal for
colleagues to join us.
Derek Summerfield
derek.summerfield@googlemail.com
Competing interests:
None declared
Competing interests: No competing interests