Violence by clients towards female prostitutes in different work settings: questionnaire survey

Church et al. report that violence by clients was strongly associated
with street prostitution in three UK cities. Although they suggest that
violence in sex work “has seldom been the focus of public and academic
interest”, it has in fact been extensively documented in much of the
historical and contemporary literature.1,2,3 Moreover they simplify the
situation by focussing exclusively on violence by clients.

In a survey we conducted in London (1989-1991), 112 (58%) of 193
women reported previous assault; these women worked in all sectors of the
industry, including 57% of indoor and 68% of street workers. Women
reported that 40% of recent assaults were by clients.

Survey data are inevitably defined by the pre-existing knowledge and
concerns of the investigators. We interpreted material from our survey in
the light of prospective research to avoid simply replicating our own
perceptions about violence. This study design also enabled measurement of
incident violence and estimates of mortality.

Different types of violence were experienced from the state, family,
strangers and clients. The most harrowing involved the occasional removal
of prostitutes’ children by the state, and domestic violence. But in
addition, everyday arrests, imprisonment, fines and police raids led women
to move within the industry to minimise their risks. Thus, some women
reported a positive choice to work in saunas or on streets after
experiencing violence in other work sectors because of the apparent
protection of operating in a public place with colleagues.4 Prospective
research showed, therefore, that London street workers could not be
readily differentiated from others over time.

Church et al discuss the service implications of excessive mortality
but cannot provide relevant data from their survey methods; nor do they
cite any. We have previously reported a mortality rate 12 times higher
than expected in London.4 Two women were murdered, neither worked on
streets and the one case that was resolved implicated a boyfriend, not a
client. As we concluded, “The two murders provide extreme examples of
common experiences among prostitutes, who face high rates of violent
assault in their personal and their professional lives . . .The health
risks of this occupation are both direct and indirect; occupational
studies of, and services for, prostitutes cannot be confined to the risks
posed directly by exchanges with customers.”5

References

1 Roberts N. Whores in History. Prostitution in Western Society. London:
HarperCollins, 1992.

2 Ward H, Day S. Health care and regulation - new perspectives. In
Rethinking prostitution ed. G Scambler and A Scambler. London: Routledge,
1997: 139-164.

3 Day S. What counts as rape? Physical assault and broken contracts:
contrasting views of rape among London sex workers. In Sex and Violence:
Issues in Representation and Experience eds P Harvey, P Gow. London:
Routledge, 1994: 172-189.

4 Day S. The law and the market: rhetorics of exclusion and inclusion
among London prostitutes. In Inside and Outside the Law ed. O Harris.
London: Routledge, 1996: 75-97.

5 Ward H, Day S, Weber J. Risky business: health and safety in the
sex industry over a 9 year period. Sex. Transm. Inf. 1999; 75:340-343.