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Editorials

The debate over digital technology and young people

BMJ 2015; 351 doi: https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.h3064 (Published 12 August 2015) Cite this as: BMJ 2015;351:h3064

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THE IMPACT OF SCREEN TECHNOLOGIES The debate should focus on determining the boundaries between harmless use and misuse

Mind Change was published in the UK in August 2014. A year on, Bell et al.[1] have reacted with an editorial claiming that, seemingly single-handedly, I am scaremongering about internet and computer use and its potentially adverse effects on the brain, emotions and behaviour. The thrust of their editorial is that there is no evidence that “typical internet use harms the adolescent brain”. Tellingly, however, they do not define “typical use” or reflect on the escalating time spent online; these are crucial omissions in the light of reports from Ofcom[2,3] and the House of Commons Health Committee[4] that call attention to the rising level of discretionary screen time preoccupying children. Public Health England recently warned:

“Increased screen time and exposure to media is associated with reduced feelings of social acceptance, and increased feelings of loneliness, conduct problems and aggression. Certain internet activity (social network sites, multi-player online games) have been associated with lower levels of wellbeing. Much more recent evidence suggests a ‘dose-response’ relationship, where each additional hour of viewing increases the likelihood of experiencing socio-emotional problems”.[5](para 3.7)

These points merit attention given recent research[6] showing that teens are using screen technologies for an average of 10.75 aggregated hours daily. Such findings raise the all-important question – for scientists, healthcare workers and parents alike: where should we draw the boundaries between harmless, indeed beneficial, use and misuse? Change in brain structure and function in response to experience is a well-established phenomenon; it would be surprising if many hours per day of screen activity did not influence this neuroplasticity. High levels of multi-tasking[7], internet use[8] or playing video games[9] are associated with significant differences in, variously, the anterior cingulate cortex[7,8], dorsolateral prefrontal cortex[8], supplementary motor area[8], orbitofrontal cortex[8], cerebellum[8] and/or ventral striatum[9]. With internet addiction, the reductions in certain prefrontal functions and striatal dopamine receptors and transporters resemble those seen in other addictive disorders[10-13]. As discussed throughout Mind Change, the chicken-and-egg problem applies to many such findings. Nevertheless, evidence indicates that the duration of internet addiction is negatively correlated with grey matter volume at various cortical sites[8] and that attention problems are both a consequence of and a predisposing factor for protracted video gaming[14], an activity associated with acute striatal dopamine release[15,16]. It is clear that large-scale longitudinal studies are needed for all these aspects of screen use.

Although Bell et al. claim that social-networking “enhances” friendships, it turns out that increased time spent using social media does not correlate with a larger offline network or with feeling emotionally closer to friends in the real world[17]. Real world intimacy and Facebook intimacy are far from the same[18]; the editorial overlooks numerous peer-reviewed publications reporting adverse effects of social-networking on individuals and their relationships. Such studies (for example [18-31]) reveal risks of a more volatile identity, increased narcissism and reduced self-esteem, along with complex distortions of the sense of self. Bell et al. assert that “people generally portray their identity accurately” on the internet. But various studies (for example [32]) refute this; in a survey of 2,300 11-18 year olds 50% admitted to lying about their personal details online[33].

Bell et al. insist that it is “entirely implausible” that screen technologies influence the development of autistic–like traits. The response to their editorial from Dr Oestreicher, as recently published in the BMJ[31], challenges this view; furthermore, links between those traits and exposure to screen technologies have been reported (for example [35-39]). As for video games, Bell et al. state: “multiplayer cooperative games are increasingly common, and evidence suggests these kinds of games might lead to an increase in socially beneficial thoughts and behavior”. But the majority of popular video games reflect a narrow range of human emotions; their dominant narrative concerns a male protagonist engaged in external conflict in a fearful and aggressive way[40,41]. Repeated exposure to media violence has been shown to diminish responsiveness in an inhibitory frontolimbic network[42]; a recent meta-analysis of 98 independent studies concluded that violent video games increase aggression[43]. Bell et al. acknowledge that there are “valid concerns... about digital technology”; in the case of video games they focus on the “displacement” of academic activities, a concern that is beyond dispute (for example [44]). But it is not clear why they overlook the concomitant displacement of real world interactions with real people and thereby chances to develop socially beneficial thoughts and behaviour. Surely the crucial factors are the content of these games and the time and opportunities that they usurp.

Bell et al. also take exception to my reasoning that reliance on search engines and surfing the internet may foster superficial mental processing at the expense of deep knowledge and understanding, but they concede that “when people know they can access information through search engines they are less likely to remember the content”. They point out that this effect “is not restricted to the use of technology ... people who work in teams are less likely to remember facts when others hold the information”. There is no cause for dispute about these points; Bell et al. clearly concur that memory is vulnerable to factors that include the screen technologies in question.

A further criticism is that I have not submitted my arguments to peer-review. But Mind Change is not a specific research paper; it is a 100,000 word book written to be accessible to the general reader. It presents the results of numerous studies that have already been peer-reviewed, spanning neuroscience, psychology, sociology and epidemiology. These are complex and important topics that cannot be adequately discussed in this word-limited response. Nevertheless, peer-reviewed studies and reviews (for example [6,7,10,13,40,43,45]) published more recently than Mind Change, indicate that it is not a solitary scare-mongering book, but an increasingly validated wake-up-call.

A few years ago, the suggestion that information technology may shape the mind was widely dismissed. Now the question appears to be to what extent, rather than if. Given that the digital world offers a way of life that is unprecedented and multifaceted, we need to be alert to the opportunities and threats it offers. Bell et al. conclude: “the public deserves to participate in the debate fully informed of all the evidence”. I could not agree more. That is why I wrote Mind Change.

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Competing interests: No competing interests

14 September 2015
Susan Greenfield
Senior Research Fellow, Lincoln College Oxford, & CEO Neuro-Bio Ltd
Lincoln College, Oxford OX1 3DR