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Rapid Responses to:
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Rapid Responses published:
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Margaret RJ Cuthill, Director British Victims of Abortion G1 3BU
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As a woman who has experienced two abortions a live birth and has for the last eighteen years worked in the area of Post Abortion Counselling I cannot agree with the results of this study by Professor Nancy Russo. I would suggest that the criteria being used to measure and compare whether depression is worse after abortion than giving birth to an unwanted child is too narrow and variable to allow a true picture of these very different life experiences and their resultant outcomes. Abortion is an unnatural death experience; with it comes grief, remorse, regret, and guilt associated with the choice. When these instinctive emotions/feelings remain unresolved, depression which can cause life-affecting symptoms, outwith the womans control, result. I believe this is just another study to reinforce to the abortion lobby and to persuade women in crisis that abortion is a valid option. I dont have to reinforce that abortion hurts women I see it daily. I look forward to the time when either more hurting women will speak out or someone will ask a different set of questions. Competing interests: Director of Post Abortion Counselling Group |
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Fiona K Pinto, Project coordinator Royal College of Physicians, NW1 4LE
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In this study, the authors state that "differential exclusion of women from the delivery group on the basis of subsequent abortion creates a bias in favour of finding lower depression in that group." I strongly disagree. Opting for abortion more than once is likely to create a bias in exactly the opposite direction, on the basis that these women regard abortion as a solution, compared to women who had an abortion and subsequently did not choose to terminate another pregnancy. Furthermore, if the authors are truly interested in an unbiased sample of women who have had abortions, then why did they exclude women who had an abortion where the pregnancy was wanted? Surely an unbiased study would look at all women who had abortions not select out those who had abortions where the pregnancy was wanted? For example, David Reardon's study published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal, did not include this bias and found an increased rate of admission for women who had abortions to psychiatric units. Reardon's more comprehensive and objective research proves that all women need more support and alternatives to abortion and information about the possible harmful impact on their health rather than being falsely encouraged by biased samples such as this one that abortion is consequence free. BMJ 2002;324:151-152 ( 19 January ) Primary care Depression and unintended pregnancy in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth: a cohort study David C Reardon, director of research, Jesse R Cougle, researcher. http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/content/full/324/7330/151 Psychiatric admissions of low-income women following abortion and childbirth David C. Reardon, Jesse R. Cougle, Vincent M. Rue, Martha W. Shuping, Priscilla K. Coleman and Philip G. Ney CMAJ • May 13, 2003; 168 (10) http://www.cmaj.ca/cgi/content/full/168/10/1253 Competing interests: None declared |
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Patrick M R Leahy, Social science student Churchill College, Cambridge, CB3 0DS
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The media have unfortunately latched onto this study as something major (not helped by the authors' press release comments). It is anything but. Questions should be raised about the sample. It focuses on women aged 14-21 (p1) which is clearly problematic. These women are likely to be more "benefited" (if anyone is to be) by an abortion as any pregnancy is likely to disrupt educational, career, or other ambitions. Quite clearly, if generalisations about the whole female population are going to be made then a sample of a wider age range is required. The study also excludes "wanted" pregnancies - in fact the authors go so far as to deliberately exclude these individuals (p2). Yet, quite clearly, there might be circumstances where the pregnancy is wanted but an abortion has to be undertaken. The authors justify this by claiming that they are trying to remain as close as possible to the conditions of the previous study. Yet they remain selective about this since, for instance, they did not, contrary to the previous study, exclude women who had had multiple abortions. Both these points make the claim that this is a "nationally representative sample" (p1) rather questionable. I would also have thought it appropriate for the authors to clarify what their measure of depression was - it is not clear from the article. All references refer to: BMJ, doi:10.1136/bmj.38623.532384.55 (published 28 October 2005) Competing interests: None declared |
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Heather R Caserta, Homemaker Home:77339
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I just had to respond to this. Age definately makes a difference. For myself, my 1st abortion was at age 19 and my 2nd at age 23. I am now 33 and have just come to a place in my life where it is apparent that I need to deal with these things. If you would've asked me then, I would've agreed that "I was Ok, That it was for the best, That it didn't have any affect on me." Now, 10-15 years later, I am still suffering from those choices. The depression, drug addiction, alcohol abuse...those things numbed the feelings and I kept them hidden. Now my reality is that I have to relive the expereinces, I have to deal with the issues and try to heal. If you ask a woman/child, who has an abortion because of an unwanted pregnancy...it's a relief to most. And maybe for years it still feels that way. But there comes a time when it must be dealt with. Still others suffer daily from their choices. These researchers should attend some of the Post-Abortion web-sites or support groups and really see what abortion does to men & women. Each has a different story...but the outcome is the same. Competing interests: None declared |
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David Reardon, Director Elliot Institute, Springfield, IL 62791 USA
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Competing interests: None declared |
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Joan A. Lang Lang, Professor & Chair, Dept of Psychiatry Saint Louis University
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The scientific study of the psychological sequelae of such important life events as abortion or carrying to term an unwanted pregnancy is of great importance. Not only do doctors and therapists need to know as much as possible in order to help our patients, but we also are often asked to support or criticize public policies, up to and including legislation. When we do this, integrity demands that we do so thoughtfully and in keeping with whatever evidence is available, not just on the basis of our personal opinions, however deeply held those may be. The authors are to be commended on this careful analysis, and for neither under nor overplaying their results. They conclude that the existing evidence does not support the assertion that there is a link between abortion and depression. They do not attempt to argue that this lack of evidence supports any assertion that abortion (or carrying to term) of an unwanted pregnancy is without any sequelae. In my experience, most women who have struggled with the decision of whether to keep or to abort such an unwanted pregnancy have many feelings during and after the time of decision making. But few if any have depression because of the abortion per se. Regret and wishes that things could have been different do not in themselves constitute depression. Where depression is found, it is usually either a preexisting condition, or related to the circumstances (such as an unsupportive partner and/or lack of family support). In the case of an unwanted pregnancy that is kept, certainly the outcome may be in net a happy one for the mother, but it can also be a postpartum depression and difficulties bonding with the infant, among other things. Competing interests: None declared |
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Cynthia M. Dudek, Medical Insurance Agent 23800 W. 10 Mile Rd., Suite 180; Southfield, MI 48034
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There is a need for each of us to be seekers of truth and to realize that no one has all of the answers. We need to commit ourselves to the Hippocratic Oath, and to do no harm. As a medical insurance agent, I would ask others to consider the fact that abortion is a causal element and an avoidable risk factor for many consequences. Those consequences may be compounded, as is the case for women who are exposed to estrogen as a result of a pregnancy and are unable to bring a child to term. There are women who will never go through the differentiation stage of breast development and thereby not receive the benefits of a reduced risk of breast cancer. The details matter when assessing risk. We need to consider age at first birth, family history, previous history of breast cancer, age at menarche, parity, contraceptive use, BRCA1 and BRCA2 genes, diet, breastfeeding history, obesity in postmenopausal women, and more. Abortion consequences result in women needing more medical attention. It impacts a woman’s future insurability. It impacts the health of their future children. All of these elements are factors in the high cost of medical insurance. Women deserve better! Cynthia Dudek
Competing interests: None declared |
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Wenbin Liang, taking master of public health Curtin University of Technology
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Dear Editor, In the paper, the assessment of depression in 1992 was an estimation of the prevalence of depression among the population of interest.[1] The prevalence was at least determined by the incidence of depression in the population, the duration of depression, and the mortality rate of patients. Therefore, even if abortion for “an unintended first pregnancy” is a strong risk factor for depression, it may only highly increase the incidence of depression for the first few years after abortion. A measurement on prevalence can hardly reflect any effect of abortion on the incidence of depression. Nevertheless if an association was showed to be significant, there was still no information for the relationship between abortion and the risk of becoming depression. For example if “abortion people” and “live birth people” had the same incidence rate, and “live birth people” were more likely to be cured in a shorter time, then the depression prevalence for the “abortion people” would be higher than the depression prevalence for the “live birth people”. Nevertheless if “abortion people” had a higher incidence of depression and they were more likely to be cured in a much shorter time then the depression prevalence for them would be similar to or even lower than the depression prevalence for the “live birth people”. Even if depression is considered as a disease that can never be cured, and patients would never die. Prevalence may still fail to refect the true relationship between abortion and the risk of depression, because abortion for “an unintended first pregnancy”, could be a component cause that was only involved in some types of sufficient causes. Over a long period the effect of abortion on prevalence would be easily diluted by the effect of other sufficient causes. For example, assuming that abortion could increase the incidence of depression in the first 2 years after abortion by 100% among a hypothetical population with 10000 people: 5000 people choosing abortion, 5000 people choosing to give birth, and the incidence of depression was 5 per 1000 person-year among people choosing to give birth. So the incidence of depression for “abortion people” is 10 per 1000 person-year for the first two years. In the first two years there are (5/1000) *2*5000=50 cases among “live birth people”, (10/1000)*2*5000=100 cases among “abortion people” The prevalence ratio is 0.5. 10 years later the prevalence ratio of depression is approximately {[50+(5/1000) *8*5000]/5000}/{[100 +(5/ 1000)*8*5000]/5000}=0.8333—We could hardly observe any relationship here, as the effect has been diluted. Reference 1. Schmiege S., Russo N., Depression and unwanted first pregnancy: longitudinal cohort study. BMJ, doi:10.1136/bmj.38623.532384.55 (published 28 October 2005) Competing interests: None declared |
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Emily Peterson, Blogmistress, the http://afterabortion.blogspot.com
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I understand Dr. Joan Lang Lang's point that experiencing ambivalence and regret after an abortion is not the same thing as being depressed. I don't think anyone would disagree with that. It's not the issue that this study takes up. I imagine that persistent feelings of ambivalence and regret about a major life decision (whatever that major life decision was), left unresolved, would themselves be life stressors that might impair a person's emotional health. Whether this is so would be a valuable area for research. I appreciate Dr. Lang Lang's belief that in her practice, when a woman has (a) had an abortion and (b) is depressed, that it turns out that it is never the case that the depression is related to the abortion. Other therapists have reached very different conclusions about some of their post-abortive clients. These anecdotes are interesting but of course not dispositive. I appreciate the work and analysis put into this current study. Disputes about which variables to count and who to put into what population aside, my main concern about the study is that it only measures one adverse psychological state: depression. People react differently to life stressors. Some people develop anxiety symptoms, some people develop substance abuse issues, and so on. A study that looks at the full range of adverse psychological states and behaviors that might potentially ensue after a difficult life decision such as abortion would be of greater interest than the current study. Competing interests: None declared |
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Name and address supplied, N/A N/A
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"Each has a different story...but the outcome is the same." This claim is preposterous. I had an abortion several months ago. Abortion is never pleasant, but it hasn't had a negative effect on my physical & emotional health. It's not like I don't "deal with the issues;" I've often reflected upon my experience. The only thing that's made me upset about the experience is other people's negative reaction, like Caserta's and Cuthill's. When people expect me to have all sorts of problems, I feel like maybe I should have problems and wonder if something's wrong with me for not having problems. It's not like I got pregnant on purpose to have an abortion, yet people seem to want to guilt trip women like me. Leading women to think they'll be screwed up after abortion isn't a good way to decrease the number of abortions. It most probably increases the number of screwed up women. But I suspect that making women feel bad is not a problem to people who think that abortion is a sin that should cause women to feel, as Cuthill says, "grief, remorse, regret, and guilt." The number of women on post-abortion counseling or websites are not enough support the claim that most post-abortion women are emotionally disturbed. That number, however large, is only a small fraction of the total number of women who've aborted, which is millions upon millions. According to my human sexual behavior textbook, the majority of women who have had an abortion do not regret their choice and are not depressed. The results of this study by Schmiege and Russo are in concordance. So, the emotional problems of women on post-abortion counseling and websites seem to be the exception, not the rule. I'm psychologically fine perhaps because I have a promising future and because my supportive boyfriend (who's also my future husband & father to my future kids) and my liberal college setting don't make me feel like I should be disturbed. My suggestion is that we stop telling women that it is inevitable or "instinctive" to feel "grief, remorse, regret, and guilt" and be depressed after abortion. Instead, we should provide women with the support and information to prevent future unplanned pregnancies and help them with career development or life planning so that they can look forward to their future, not dwell on their past. Career development seems to help, since "higher mean education and income and lower total family size" are associated with a lower risk of depression. Also, aspirations for higher education and a job outside of the home seem to decrease the likelihood of teenage pregnancy. Help women; don't make us suffer. Competing interests: None declared |
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Nancy F. Russo, Regents Professor Arizona State University; Tempe, AZ85282, Sarah J. Schmiege
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The rapid
responses to our article[1] have raised a variety of
issues. Here we address the methodological issues that have been raised by
David Reardon [2] and others, as noted. To
avoid redundancy, theoretical, ethical, and clinical issues raised across the
responses will be addressed in subsequent responses. In his response, Reardon takes the opportunity to repeat the results presented in his original article (co-authored with Jesse Cougle), arguing that we have “failed to present the most basic evidence necessary to either refute or confirm our prior results.” He states “their results do not contradict ours; indeed, they do not even attempt to reconstruct our analysis in regard to stratification by marital status using their recoded coded data. Even what they do report… can easily be reconciled with our own findings since any differences in results ‘can primarily be explained by differences in coding of key variables and sample selection’.” 1. Results based on miscoded data are not in need of refuting and cannot be reconciled. In our attempt to take a collegial approach, we have perhaps not been clear about the basic methodological message of our article. The previous results were based on miscoded data such that first unintended pregnancies and their outcomes (pregnancy versus abortion) were not accurately identified. We are not talking about a difference in interpretation of how best to code a particular variable, e.g., as when researchers need to decide whether to use all possible categories for marital status or to create a variable that only has 2 categories (i.e., married and unmarried). We are talking about the use of codes to identify the variable the former authors themselves claimed to have measured. Results based on miscoded data are not in need of confirmation or refutation, as results based on such data are invalid and meaningless. As stated in our article, the NLSY dataset is large and complex, with over 3,000 variables related to pregnancy. As can be seen by the coding syntax appended to this response, identification of first pregnancy is particularly complex, as it involves combining variables across multiple survey years. Even the most competent researcher may have difficulty in writing codes that accurately specify the variable “first unintended pregnancy”. Because of the enormous room for error in choosing the proper variables and coding of variables in this large dataset, we chose to rely on the variable selection strategy and coding language provided to us by an expert in the use of the survey: a member of the NLSY staff. Reardon suggests that we should make our codes available so that our findings can be checked. The codes, which are in SAS, can be found at the end of this response. We are confident that the codes produce valid results, i.e., that they create the variable that we are claiming to measure. The coding was provided to us by NLSY staff and the logic was rechecked several times. However, if there is a problem with this coding language, we welcome learning about it. As embarrassing as that would be, our goal is to produce accurate research findings. We welcome constructive feedback on how to achieve that goal. 2. There was no need to
reproduce previously reported tables based on results from analyses that we
considered inappropriate for the research question. Our study was designed to test the hypothesis that was offered (but tested with miscoded data) in the earlier study. In doing so, we found several design assumptions that we did not consider appropriate for testing that hypothesis. We therefore did not incorporate them in our study, but did explain the rationale for our decisions. We also noted that we indeed did conduct analyses to parallel those of the previous study by examining pregnancies limited to 1980 and later, but did not find significant results. Typically journals have limited space and are not receptive to publishing nonsignificant findings that are based on inappropriate analyses, so we did not include them in our paper. Nonetheless, we are happy to present these analyses here and to elaborate the rationale for our decisions. Most of the design issues relate to the claim that our sample is biased because: (a) we did not exclude those in either the abortion or delivery group who had subsequent abortions after the first pregnancy (submitted by Fiona Pinto); (b) we did not stratify our results by marital status (submitted by David Reardon); (c) we excluded abortions where the pregnancy was reported as “wanted” (submitted by Patrick Leahy);and (d) the age range of our sample was limited (submitted by Patrick Leahy). 2a. If the goal is to generalize the results to women having a first
unintended pregnancy, exclusion of women with multiple abortions from either
the delivery group or the abortion group is inappropriate. Exclusions of women with multiple abortions
from only the delivery group are doubly inappropriate. Whether one agrees with this view is
irrelevant, however, because the results
are the same in any case. Women dealing with an unwanted first pregnancy need information that can help them assess how choosing one outcome versus another (i.e., delivery vs. abortion) will contribute to a change in risk for physical and mental health outcomes. We could have eliminated women having multiple abortions from both groups, but without a crystal ball, women who will have multiple abortions cannot be separated from other women. Consequently, information based on such a sample has no useful medical purpose. But regardless of whether one agrees with our judgment, as we clearly stated on p. 2 of the manuscript and as can be seen in the following tables, the conclusions did not differ when women were excluded on the basis of subsequent abortion, regardless of whether that exclusion was from both the abortion and delivery groups, or simply the delivery group. Logistic and OLS regression results if all women with subsequent abortions are excluded:
*Adjusted for race, age at first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income Logistic
and OLS regression results if only women in the delivery group with subsequent abortions
are excluded:
*Adjusted for race, age at first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income 2b. Results do not differ by current marital status. Arguments could be made about whether to stratify by marital status the year depression was measured or the year the unwanted pregnancy occurred, but they are irrelevant here because the findings are consistent across marital status. We stratified by marital status in an earlier iteration of the paper, but dropped the table because it didn’t contribute information of significance. The following table presents the same findings found in our Table 2, but is now stratified on the basis of “married” versus “unmarried” in 1992. As can be seen, the findings are consistent across marital groups for both our logistic and OLS regression results. Updates of Table 2, stratified by marital status in 1992
Note. Pregnancy outcome coded "0" for
delivery and "1" for abortion; higher CES-D scores indicate greater
levels of depression. Odds ratios greater
than 1.0 would thus indicate a higher risk for depression in the abortion group *Adjusted for race, age at first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income # Adjusted
for race, age at first pregnancy, education, and family income & Adjusted for 1979 measure of Rotter internal locus of
control, race, age at first pregnancy, education, and family income † Adjusted for 1979
measure of Rotter internal locus of control, race, age at first
pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income
Note. Pregnancy outcome coded "0" for
delivery and "1" for abortion; higher CES-D scores indicate greater
levels of depression. Positive beta
coefficients would thus indicate a higher risk for depression in the abortion group. *Adjusted for race, age at first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income # Adjusted
for race, age at first pregnancy, education, and family income & Adjusted for 1979 measure of Rotter internal locus of
control, race, age at first pregnancy, education, and family income † Adjusted for 1979
measure of Rotter internal locus of control, race, age at first
pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income 2c. In a study of unwanted pregnancy outcome, it
is inappropriate to include wanted pregnancies in the sample; it is doubly
inappropriate to exclude wanted pregnancies from only the delivery outcome
group. The stated purpose of our study
was to examine the relationship between pregnancy outcome and depression of unwanted first pregnancies. We chose this as our research question and
designed our analyses accordingly. But regardless of one’s opinion about the appropriateness of the particular design strategy, as we state in the paper only 15 women (of a total sample of n=1247) who terminated their first pregnancy by abortion reported that pregnancy as wanted. Although we excluded these women because of design considerations, redoing the analyses with these 15 women included produces no change in the results. 2d. The age range of our sample was not limited to 14-21 years of age. Our description of the age of the sample appears to be misinterpreted by Patrick Leahy. The age range of women was 14-21 in 1979, the year the study began. The year of first pregnancy ranged from 1970 to 1992, and the age of women at the first pregnancy ranged from 12-33. In sum, there may be debates about our design decisions, which we defend. However, the most important point here is that these design issues do not affect the outcome of the results when data are properly coded. 3. The critique of our paper, as well as the public discussion of research on the relationship of abortion and mental health outcomes, has exhibited a persistent failure to distinguish between correlation and causation in the interpretation of results. This failure is clearly illuminated in Reardon’s statement: “First, it should be noted that the authors’ claim…stating “Well designed studies have not found that abortion contributes to an increased risk of depression,” is misleading and not supported by their discussion, their citations, or the literature. In fact, the statistical association between abortion and higher depression rates is very firmly established by many well designed studies.”[italics ours] “ Reardon then cites a number of studies, some more well designed than others, but none that have established that abortion contributes to an increased risk of depression. Indeed, he goes on to describe an article by Russo and Denious [3}, repeating their findings that women who had abortions had significantly more depression, suicidal ideation, and lower life satisfaction than other women. He then describes those researchers as arguing that “this association with depression might possibly be explained by greater exposure to experiences of violence among women who have abortion” and asserts “the act of simply proposing this hypothesis serves to demonstrate the fact that the irrefutable evidence of a link between abortion and depression requires explanation and further investigation.” What he fails to say, is that Russo and Denious did not “simply propose” this hypothesis. They tested it and found that when exposure to violence and partner variables were controlled, no relationship was found between abortion and the negative mental health outcomes measured. Reardon then goes on to cite as evidence that abortion causes depression “self-attributions of women,” “clinical experience of counselors,” “case studies,” and statistical evidence based on studies that have not included the basic controls needed to warrant causal conclusions. None of this is credible scientific evidence that abortion increases risk for depression. Many studies, including our own, have found correlations between abortion and a host of mental health outcomes. Given that abortion typically occurs in the context of unwanted pregnancy, this association is to be expected. The error is in focusing on abortion rather than the conditions that lead to risk for unplanned and unwanted pregnancy. As Russo and Denious pointed out, having a history of childhood sexual abuse and exposure to intimate violence is associated with risk for unplanned and unwanted pregnancy, whether or not such pregnancy ends in abortion or delivery. In this context, focusing on the effects of abortion rather than trying to understand the relationship of abortion to mental health outcomes can lead to misattribution of the effects of childhood physical and sexual abuse, intimate partner violence, and other adversities. We will deal with issues related to discrepancies between scientific, clinical, and anecdotal evidence raised by the various responses as well as in issues relating to media coverage and future research needs, including the need for research on the effects of underreporting, in separate replies. For now however, we stand by the statement that there is no credible scientific evidence that abortion increases risk of depression. [1] Schmiege S, [2] [3] Russo N, Denious JE. Violence in the lives of women having abortions: Implications for policy and practice. Professional Psychology Research and Practice, 2001); 32:142-150. SAS SYNTAX libname
in 'g:\british'; OPTIONS
SYSPARM='.'; OPTIONS
NOCENTER; OPTIONS
LS=80; DATA
a; SET in.nlsy_1110; rename R1017500=wantp183; rename R1325400=wantp184; rename R1522056=outp1_84; rename R1702800=wantp185; rename R1892758=outp1_85; rename R2002900=wantp186; rename R2259858=outp1_86; rename R2579200=wantp188; rename R2879700=outp1_88; rename R3188900=wantp190; rename R3409800=outp1_90; rename R3792500=wantp192; rename R4009468=outp1_92; data b; set
a; if R0214800=2; proc freq; tables wantp183 wantp184 outp1_84 wantp185 outp1_85 wantp186 outp1_86 wantp188 outp1_88 wantp190 outp1_90 wantp192 outp1_92; data c; set
b; p1_out=.; if outp1_92>-4
then p1_out=outp1_92; if outp1_90>-4
then p1_out=outp1_90; if outp1_88>-4
then p1_out=outp1_88; if outp1_86>-4
then p1_out=outp1_86; if outp1_85>-4
then p1_out=outp1_85; if outp1_84>-4
then p1_out=outp1_84; wanted=.; if p1_out>-4
and p1_out<6 then
do; if outp1_84>-4
and wantp183>=-3 then
wanted=wantp183; else if
outp1_84>-4 and wantp184>=-3
then wanted=wantp184; else if
outp1_85>-4 and wantp185>=-3
then wanted=wantp185; else if
outp1_86>-4 and wantp186>=-3
then wanted=wantp186; else if
outp1_88>-4 and wantp188>=-3
then wanted=wantp188; else if
outp1_90>-4 and wantp190>=-3
then wanted=wantp190; else if
outp1_92>-4 and wantp192>=-3
then wanted=wantp192; else if
wanted=. and
outp1_92 in (2 3
4 5)
then wanted=999; end; data d; set
c; if wanted=3
or wanted=4 then
do; if p1_out = 1
then pregout = 0; end; if wanted ne
1 then do; if p1_out=4
then pregout = 1; end; data cesd;
set d; x
= n (R3894900, R3895000, R3895100, R3895200, R3895300, R3895400, R3895500, R3895600,
R3895700, R3895800, R3895900, R3896000, R3896100, R3896200, R3896300, R3896400,
R3896500,
R3896600, R3896700, R3896800); if x = 20
then cesdcont = sum
(R3894900, R3895000, R3895100, R3895200, R3895300, R3895400, R3895500, R3895600,
R3895700, R3895800, R3895900, R3896000, R3896100, R3896200, R3896300, R3896400,
R3896500,
R3896600, R3896700, R3896800); if cesdcont>=0
then do; cesddich=.; if cesdcont>15
then cesddich=1; else if
(cesdcont> 0)
or (cesdcont<16)
then cesddich=0; end; proc freq; tables pregout cesddich pregout*cesddich; run; proc format; value p1_out 1='live
birth' 2='miscarriage' 3='stillborn' 4='abortion' 5='still
pregnant'; value pregout 0='live
birth' 1='abortion'; value wanted 1='wanted
to be preg' 2="didn't
matte" 3='no,
not then' 4='no,
never' 999='not
asked, 1992'; value cesddich 0='below
cutoff' 1='above
cutoff'; run; Competing interests: None declared |
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James Gerrard, General Practitioner Windmill Health Centre, Mill Green View, Leeds LS14 5JS
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In the United Kingdom, terminations of pregnancy are performed under the Abortion Act after two doctors have signed certificate A, "the blue form". In the vast majority of cases the form is signed under section C, indicating that continuing the pregnancy would involve greater risk to the physical or mental health of the pregnant woman than if the pregnancy were terminated. The study by Schmiege and Russo appears to show that delivering an unwanted first pregnancy is not associated with a greater risk of depression than terminating it. Other studies indicate that there is a lower risk of mortality during pregnancy and until one year after birth compared to women without a recent pregnancy(1). These findings seem to offer support to any UK doctor who feels unable to sign the blue form in good faith. (1) Lewis G, editor. Why Mothers Die 2000-2002. The Sixth Report of the Confidential Enquiries into Maternal Death in the United Kingdom. London: RCOG Press;2004 Competing interests: I am a GP with a conscientious objection to termination of pregnancy. I do not sign the blue form. |
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Anne-Marie Rey, volunteer Abortion-information
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David Reardon claims that their study "was simply the first study to compare women who have had abortions to a control group of women who have carried unintended pregnancies to term". This is wrong. The best prospective study comparing women who had an abortion with women who carried an unplanned pregnancy to term, with a 10 years follow up and 6'000 women in each group, was the one of A.C. Gilchrist et al "Termination of pregnancy and psychiatric morbidity", British Journal of Psychiatry 1995; 167:243-248. They found no increase in the relative risk of psychiatric morbidity in the abortion group. Curiously enough Reardon does not include this study in his long list of literature... Nor does he mention the Danish study of H.P. David "Post-abortion and post-partum psychiatric hospitalization", In: Abortion: medical progress and social implications. Pitman, London 1985 (Ciba Found.Symposium 115) p.150-164. The risk of admission was about the same for women who had an abortion and those who had given birth: 12/10'000. Competing interests: Responsible for the Website Abortion-information http://www.svss-uspda.ch |
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Margaret R. Johnston, Exec Dir. Southern Tier Women's Services Vestal NY 13850
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Every day I listen to women who are trying to make a good pregnancy decision for their lives. If, after consideration, they decide to end their pregnancy, I help them, and I also do my best to be on the alert for any of the risk factors that researchers like Dr. Nancy Russo and Dr. Brenda Major have identified in their ground breaking work. We have discussions with women about their ability to cope with their decisions, what tangible emotional support they have, their religious or spiritual concerns, and the social factors that lead them to believe that having a child is not the right choice for this time in their lives. I find it ironic that people who are opposed to abortion, like David Reardon, are actively encouraging a climate of stigma, judgment, and shame which is surely not helpful to anyone's sense of emotional health. If there is a way to study the perception of societal stigma and subsequent emotional health it would be very illuminating. There is, perhaps, a misconception that only women who are prochoice get abortions, but on some days, it seems that up to 1/3 of all of the women seeking abortion state that they have previously "not believed in abortion" or in some other way not been in favor of the practice of abortion. And yet, after careful consideration of their choices and the consequences to them and their families, they choose abortion. And for the most part, they seem to find some resilience in their response to this change of perspective in spite of the extremely negative attitude toward abortion in public discourse. It may be a comfort to people in the research world that providers, and others in helping professions, are committed to Post Abortion Emotional Health, and are trying to use available scientific evidence to ensure positive outcomes for our patients. We have no interest in denying that some women have negative emotional outcomes. We know that with such a major life decision as whether or not to bear a child, there are bound to be strong feelings and reactions. We also know that some women have far fewer coping abilities, less social support, or pre-existing mental problems that make this more challenging. We are trying to figure out how to help these women which sometimes means encouraging them to take more time for their decision, consult family or clergy, or seek professional help from a therapist. Women have been choosing to end pregnancies since the beginning of recorded history. As an abortion provider and as someone who cares deeply about women, my goal is to help women make good decisions for their lives and help them achieve good emotional health. The conflict about abortion seems to focus on whether abortion is right or wrong but it leaves out the people involved. If the Abortion Wars did not dominate this discussion of research, think how much help we could offer real women and men. Competing interests: None declared |
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Douwe A A Verkuyl, Gynaecologist Hoogeveen Hospital,
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The medical insurance agent C.D. Dudek threatens women who have an abortion with an increased risk of breast cancer. There is no proof for this assertion I think, please quote the paper. On the other hand never to feed breast and never to become pregnant while having 480 ovulations in your life will increase the risk of ovarian and breast cancer, probably. Perhaps she should dissuade women to become nuns. Competing interests: None declared |
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David C, Reardon, Director Elliot Institute, Springfield, IL
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I am disappointed that the BMJ editors chose to publish Ms. Johnston’s baseless accusation (“Post Abortion Emotional Health”) that I am “actively encouraging a climate of stigma, judgment, and shame.” Clearly Ms. Johnston either knows nothing about me or is so interested in perpetuating a denigrating stereotype of those “who are opposed to abortion” that she doesn’t care if her judgmental comments are actually true. In fact, beginning with the publication of my first book in 1986 I have been a well-known and active leader in efforts to promote a healing environment for those who have had abortions. A centerpiece of this activity has been an unremitting effort to create cultural changes that will reduce or eliminate external causes of “stigma, judgment, and shame,” especially among those who oppose abortion. One of my most succinct articles on this issue is “Beyond the Politics of Abortion” (http://www.afterabortion.org/hope/arti2.htm) In that article I advise those who hold the pro-choice view to not dismiss the feelings of loss, grief, and regret that many women feel after an abortion. I also admonish those who identify themselves as pro-life that they have an obligation to develop empathy for the circumstances that drive women to consider abortion. In particular, pro-life Christians should remember that only those who have not sinned are qualified to “throw the first stone”—and none have yet been found who qualify. In promoting empathy for the circumstances of women who choose abortions, I frequently remind those who oppose abortion on moral grounds that no one who “has not been there” knows what pressures or circumstances might lead them to consider having an abortion that was previously unthinkable. (Ms. Johnston has noted that she has observed this in her own practice. Indeed, there is evidence that at least 70 percent of American women seeking abortions are doing so either in violation of their moral conscience or in conflict with their maternal desires. In my opinion, these conflicted feelings prior to abortion play a major role in negative reactions post-abortion.) In short, I frequently admonish Christian’s—who by definition are nothing more than sinners who seek and rely on God’s mercy they see manifested in the life of Jesus—to remember the maxim “there but the grace of God go I.” In doing so, they will quickly remember that “loving the sinner while hating the sin” means that they should take the lead in helping women and men who are plagued with unresolved grief after a past abortion to recover emotional and spiritual wellbeing. In the same context I have always opposed any efforts (which in my experience are actually very rare) to provoke “stigma, judgment, and shame” since I believe such tactics are firstly un-Christian and secondarily counterproductive. If one checks with any of the hundreds of post-abortion ministries in America, most of which are led by women who have had abortions, I believe one will discover that my efforts to reduce stigma and promote a healing climate are widely appreciated and may have contributed to the growth of the post-abortion healing movement.
Competing interests: None declared |
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Brenda N Major, Ph.D., Professor of Psychology University of California, Santa Barbara
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As a scientist who has conducted a number of studies of women’s emotional responses following abortion, I am compelled to respond to David Reardon’s reply [1] to Russo and Schmeige’s [2] re-analysis of the NLSY data regarding the purported association between abortion of a first unwanted pregnancy and depression. Reardon’s reply misrepresents scientific knowledge regarding this association and misleads the reader in a number of ways, a few of which I will address here. First, Reardon falsely implies that “a causal link between abortion and depression is strongly supported,” and cites studies of women who have been interviewed about their psychological reactions to abortion to support his claim. The studies he cites, however, are not based on representative samples of women who have had abortions, but rather on biased samples of women who have self-identified as feeling depressed resulting from abortion. Responses of these women cannot be generalized to the general population of women who have abortions. Even if these samples were representative, however, responses to these interviews would not establish a causal link between abortion and depression. Strong evidence exists that people can perceive a causal connection between events in their lives when none in fact exists. The infamous witchcraft trials of Salem, MA, in which young women came to believe that physical symptoms they were experiencing were caused by witchcraft, provide a compelling example of this fallacy. Notably, when representative samples of women who have had an abortion are interviewed about their psychological reactions to abortion, most (but not all) report being satisfied with their decision, feel they were benefited more than harmed by their decision, and state that they would make the same decision again had they to do it over again. [3] Second, Reardon misleads the reader by falsely claiming that studies showing a higher rate of suicide among women who have had an abortion than among women who have had a child “strongly support a causal interpretation.” This conclusion is wrong. Evidence of a correlation between two things says nothing about whether one causes the other. We know for a fact, for example, that there is a positive association between the number of churches in a city and the number of bars in a city. Does the fact that this association has been found repeatedly mean that alcohol drives people to church? Or that church drives people to drink? No. The most likely explanation for this association is that it is spurious – caused by a third unmeasured variable that is related to both number of churches and number of bars in a city, such as city-size. There is substantial evidence that a third variable (or more) also underlies the observed association between abortion and suicide. A likely candidate for this third variable is a woman’s general mental health prior to her becoming pregnant. A longitudinal study in which individuals were interviewed as teenagers (age 15-16) and again nine years later as young adults (age 24-25) revealed that women who had experienced depression as a teenager were more likely to have abused drugs, dropped out of school, engaged in deviant behavior, and been hospitalized for psychiatric reasons during the subsequent nine years compared to women who had not been depressed as teenagers. [4] Women who experience psychiatric problems as teenagers, compared to those who do not, may also be more likely to engage in unprotected sex, be in unstable relationships, and have unintended pregnancies, all of which are associated with abortion. Third, Reardon misleads readers when describing the results of my own research. My colleagues and I conducted a longitudinal study in which we interviewed 442 women just prior to having a first trimester abortion of an unintended pregnancy, and again immediately after, one month after, and two years after the abortion. [2] In describing results of this study, Reardon states that “among those who did participate in the two year post- abortion assessment, depression scores were significantly higher than their one hour post-abortion scores.” What Reardon fails to report, however, is that depression scores in this sample were significantly lower at all times after the abortion (immediately after, one month after, and two years after) than they were prior to the abortion. Reardon also does not mention that the best predictor of women’s depression scores two years after their unplanned pregnancy/abortion was whether or not they had a history of experiencing major depression prior to the pregnancy for which they were seeking abortion. Twenty-six per cent of the women in this sample had experienced an episode of major depression at some time in their life prior to the pregnancy, based on their responses to a modified version of the Diagnostic Interview Schedule (DIS) [5]. This rate exceeds the lifetime prevalence of major depression among a nationally representative sample of women age 15-24 in the US (20.8%), as determined by the National Comorbidity Survey (NCS) [6, 7]. Significant correlates for major depression in the NCS included being female, poorly educated, unmarried (single/divorced/widowed/ or never married), and poor. [6] Since all of these are characteristic of women seeking to terminate an unintended pregnancy, it is not surprising that lifetime major depression is more common among this population than it is among the general population. The high prevalence of lifetime major depression among women seeking to terminate an unintended pregnancy supports the argument that psychiatric problems prior to an unintended pregnancy are a likely “third variable” that explains the higher incidence of mental health problems (e.g., depression, suicide, drug abuse) observed among women after an abortion. Fourth, Reardon misrepresents the prevalence of major depression among women who have an abortion compared to the prevalence in the general population. We found that 20% of the women in our sample had experienced an episode of major depression in the 24 months after their abortion, based on their responses to the DIS [3]. This rate is comparable to the 12 month (16%) and lifetime (20.8%) rate of major depression found among women age 15-24 in the general population [6,7]. People with a prior history of depression have substantial risks of depression chronicity and 12-month recurrence. [8] In the NCS, the probability that a young woman (15-24) who had experienced an episode of major depression sometime in her life would experience another episode in the last 12 months was 78%. [8] Thus the incidence of major depression among women after abortion is consistent with their relatively high rate of major depression prior to becoming pregnant. Curiously, in describing the results of our study Reardon did not report the percentage of women in our sample who met criteria for diagnosis of major depression using the DIS. Instead, he reported the percent of women in the sample who scored higher than clinical cut-offs on the depression subscale of the Brief Symptom Index (BSI) two years postabortion. [9, 10]. Reardon then erroneously compared this percentage (24.5%) to the percentage of women aged 15-24 and 25-34 in the NCS who had experienced an episode of major depression during the preceding thirty days (8.2% and 4.3% respectively) to make the claim that “depression rates two years after abortion were 3 to 5 times higher among women who have had an abortion compared to the general population of similarly aged women.” This comparison of prevalence of depressive symptoms to prevalence of major depression is inappropriate. Although symptom scales such as the BSI are useful screening tools, they are not standardized diagnostic psychiatric instruments. Further, they are known to yield a very high rate of false positives [11]. In contrast, the DIS was designed to diagnose whether a patient's symptoms meet the criteria for major depression as described in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM) of Mental Disorders (DSM-III-R). [12] Prevalence of major depression in the NCS was determined using an expanded version of the DIS [6, 7]. Thus prevalence rates based on these two instruments can be meaningfully compared. Doing so yields a strikingly different picture than that painted by Reardon. In sum, Reardon’s reply to the Russo and Schmeige article misleads the reader by misrepresenting scientific findings. 1. Reardon reply 2. Schmiege, S., Russo, NF. Depression and unwanted first pregnancy: Longitudinal cohort study. BMJ 2005;331:1303 (3 December), doi:10.1136/bmj.38623.532384.55 (published 28 October 2005) 3. Major B, Cozzarelli C, Cooper ML, Zubek J, Richards C, Wilhite M, Gramzow RH. Psychological responses of women after first-trimester abortion. Archives of General Psychiatry, 2000, 57:777-784. 4. Kandel DB., Davies M. (1986) Adult sequelae of adolescent depressive symptoms. Archives of General Psychiatry 1986; 43: 255-262. 5. Robins LN, Helzer JE, Croughan J, Ratcliff KS. National Institute of Mental Health Diagnostic Interview Schedule: its history, characteristics, and validity. Archives of General Psychiatry 1981;38:381-389. 6. Blazer DG, Kessler RC, McGonagle KA, Swartz MS The prevalence and distribution of major depression in a national community sample: The National Comorbidity Study. American Journal of Psychiatry 1994; 151:979- 986 7. Kessler, RC, McGonagle, KA, Zhao, S, Nelson, CB, Hughes,M, Eshleman S, Wittchen H-U, Kendler, KS: Lifetime and 12 month prevalence of DSM III-R psychiatric disorders in the United States: results from the National Comorbitiy Survey. Archives of General Psychiatry 1994; 51:8-19. 8. Kessler RC, McGonagle KA, Swartz M, Blazer DG, Nelson CB. Sex and depression in the National Comorbidity Survey I: Lifetime prevalence, chronicity and recurrence. Journal of Affective Disorders 1993; 29: 85- 96. 9. Derogatis LR, Melisaratos N. The Brief Symptom Inventory: An introductory report. Psychological Medicine. 1983, 13:596-605. 10. Cozzarelli C, Major, B, Karrasch A, Fuegen K. Women’s experiences of and reactions to antiabortion picketing. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 2000; 22:265-275. 11. Roberts RE, Lewinsohn PM, Seeley JR. Screening for adolescent depression: A comparison of depression scales. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. 1991; 30:58-66. 12. American Psychiatric Association. Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders. 4th ed. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association, 1994:339-345. Competing interests: None declared |
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Nancy F. Russo, Regents Professor Department of Psychology, Arizona State University, 871104, Sarah J. Schmiege
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The rapid
responses to Schmiege & Russo1 as well as emails directed to us
personally have raised several methodological points that we address here with
updated findings from additional analyses. The goal
of our research has been to examine the outcomes of unwanted first pregnancy
(abortion or delivery) and risk of depression and to explain discrepancies with
previous research by Reardon & Cougle2 that were based on the
same data set. We concluded that the Reardon & Cougle finding of a
correlation between abortion and depression was a result of miscoding the
predictor variable, unwanted first pregnancy. In addition to examining the possibility
of an abortion-depression correlation as hypothesized in the first study, we investigated
potential indirect effects of abortion via effects of education, income, and
reduced family size. We also conducted analyses that failed to find evidence that
underreporting abortion may be masking an abortion-depression relationship. The Reardon
& Cougle study is now being used to as evidence that “abortion causes depression” despite the fact that the findings are
correlational in nature and based on miscoded data. We have addressed the issue
of invalidity of miscoded data in our previous response.3 Note that
we do not generalize our results beyond unwanted first pregnancy nor do we
suggest that our measure of depression risk encompasses all possible negative
outcomes associated with terminating vs. delivering a first unwanted
pregnancy. Such generalizations were
inappropriate for the previous study’s findings and are inappropriate for ours
as well. We
emphasize the following methodological points: Differential exclusion is an
unacceptable sampling practice Pinto4
“strongly” disagrees with our statement that “differential exclusion of
women from the delivery group on the basis of subsequent abortion creates a
bias in favour of finding lower depression in that group," arguing that
such an exclusion is likely to create bias in the
opposite direction. This statement
reflects a lack of understanding of the research process. Differential
exclusion – whatever direction the resulting bias may take – violates basic
tenets of scientific research. In our study of unwanted first pregnancy, when
the data are coded such that unwanted first pregnancies are truly identified, the
difference between the abortion and delivery groups is not statistically
significant. These findings contrast
with the previous erroneous findings of Reardon & Cougle2 no
matter what sampling strategy is used – including when women with multiple
abortions are excluded only from the delivery group and also when additional
unwanted first pregnancies in the delivery group are identified increasing the
power of the statistical analyses (see Tables 1-5b below). The exception
to this finding is when multiple abortions are excluded from both abortion and
delivery groups and analyses are not statistically adjusted for covariates. In
that case, only 20.7% of women in the abortion group exceed the CES-D cut-off
score compared to 28.1% of the delivery group (P = .01). This finding is not congruent with the claim
that abortion on the first pregnancy poses a higher risk for depression for all
women with unwanted first pregnancies, as erroneously reported by & Reardon
& Cougle2 (see Table 5a).
Designs should reflect hypotheses
being tested Pinto4
further states “if the authors are truly interested in an unbiased sample of
women who have had abortions, then why did they exclude women who had an
abortion where the pregnancy was wanted?” Leahy5 raises a similar
question. Both fail
to recognize that when conducting research on the outcome of first unwanted pregnancy,
it is inappropriate to include outcomes from wanted pregnancies in the
analysis. When a
women challenged by an unwanted pregnancy evaluates her options, she needs to
know their relative risks – i.e., what involves more risk, terminating
or delivering that pregnancy. Women who
have wanted pregnancies rarely seek abortion.
In additional analyses based on expanding sampling as described above,
we found only 17 women seeking abortion reported their unintended pregnancy was
wanted; of that group, 5 (29.4%) exceeded the CES-D cut-off (mean = 12.2; S.D. 10.8). Although the number is too
small for meaningful statistical analysis, it is comparable to the 28.3% of
women exceeding the CES-D cut off score found in the delivery group, and higher
than the 25.1% figure found for the abortion group. Women with
wanted pregnancies are more likely to seek abortion because of reasons related
to maternal or fetal health, which may be discovered when the pregnancy at a
more advanced stage of gestation, when there is more pain and physical risk
involved. The NLSY data set does not permit differentiation of therapeutic from
elective abortions. The nature and severity of risks involved for women who
face therapeutic abortion differ markedly from those women who seek elective
abortion of unwanted pregnancies (the vast majority of the latter occurring at
early stages of pregnancy when medical risks are substantially lower than those
related to childbirth). In sum,
although the relationship of abortion to mental health in women who terminate
wanted pregnancies is important to study, it is not appropriate to generalize
from one group to the other, and was not the focus of our study. An
additional 17 women in the abortion group reported “didn’t matter” in response
to the unwantedness question. Although there is a strong argument for assuming
that their choice of abortion should put them in the group of women who “did
not identify their pregnancy as wanted,” their mean depression level was
slightly lower than that of the abortion group overall. This number of women is
so small whether they are included or excluded doesn’t change the results.
However, including them does lower the mean depression levels in the abortion
group (not significantly), so to avoid the appearance that we manipulated our sampling
to produce specific outcomes, we did not include them in the expanded analyses.
Between the analyses provided in our initial paper and the expanded analyses
presented here we believe we have demonstrated that the lack of detecting a
significant abortion-depression relationship as was initially reported in
Reardon & Cougle is due to the miscoding of data in the original study and
not because of design and sampling consideration in our study. Research designs that seek to
compare abortion and delivery groups but do not account for unwantedness of
pregnancy do not provide an adequate test of the hypothesis that abortion is
associated with increased risk for psychological disorder. Abortion
is confounded with unwanted pregnancy. As Major9 points out, there
are a variety of conditions that lead to increased risk for both psychological
disorder and unplanned and unwanted pregnancy, so that it is to be expected
that women who have a history of abortion will have poorer mental health
profiles than other women. Indeed, when confounded studies find no association
with abortion and negative indicators, it raises the possibility that abortion
might have protective mental health effects under some conditions As Rey6
points out, Gilchrist et al.7 (1995) has
conducted the most well-designed prospective study of the unplanned pregnancy
outcome, and she is accurate in reporting those researchers found no increase
in the relative risk of psychiatric morbidity in the abortion group. However,
additional findings from that study are relevant here. First, previous psychiatric illness predicted
subsequent psychiatric illness. That is, risk for psychiatric illness after
abortion or delivery was predominately determined by history of illness before
pregnancy. Findings also varied with history. Of interest here is the finding
that among women with either a past history of non-psychotic illness or no
history of psychiatric illness, women who delivered had a significantly higher
likelihood of having a psychotic episode than those who had an abortion. The
pattern was similar for women with a previous history of psychosis (although the
difference was not statistically significant). 7 These
findings, which involve actual psychiatric diagnoses, are much more relevant to
“blue card decisions”8 of UK doctors than U.S. findings dealing with
cut-off scores on a scale indicating risk for depression that has a high false
positive rate. The findings of this study stand in contrast to those of a number of
studies that confound abortion and unwanted pregnancy and then report abortion
to be correlated with a variety of problems. Such studies are simply not
well-designed for the question of whether abortion itself increases risks for
negative psychological outcomes apart from its association with unwanted
pregnancy. Thus,
when Pinto refers readers to a study by Reardon and colleagues published in the
Canadian Medical Association Journal10, describing it “more
comprehensive and objective research [that] proves that all women need more
support and alternatives to abortion and information about the possible harmful
impact on their health rather than being falsely encouraged by biased samples
such as this one that abortion is consequence free” – she could not be more
mistaken. The study
referred to is one of two records-based studies using Medi-Cal data from the Second, the
studies lack even the most basic statistical controls for race, marital status,
or parity. Most importantly, there is no identification of whether the
pregnancy was wanted or unwanted in either abortion or delivery groups. Multiple
abortions are excluded only from the abortion group, and there is no way to
ascertain previous psychiatric history. These are but a few of the problems
with the approach of these ill-designed studies. The only
conclusion that can be drawn from such work is that low income women who have
pregnancies terminated by abortion and stay in the Medi-Cal system over 4 years
may at high risk for a variety of problems – but whether those women would be
at higher risk for such problems had they chosen to deliver those pregnancies
cannot be ascertained. Similar
problems are found in another analysis of the NLSY data by Cougle, Reardon,
& Coleman,12 which basically repeats
the analyses and assertions made in the previous article that was published in
BMJ,2 except the intendedness of the first pregnancy is not
identified. That study is based on miscoded data as well. Citation of the
findings of such studies evidence that a pregnant women’s choice to terminate
rather than deliver an unwanted pregnancy creates increased risk for depression
is inappropriate. Our previous findings
underestimated the number of unwanted first pregnancies in the NLSY data set. As
pointed out previously the NLSY data set is complex and difficult to code, so
we based our coding on information provided by NLSY staff familiar with the
data set. Although the first pregnancies were coded correctly in the iterative
process used in our study, we stopped identifying pregnancy wantedness in 1983
when we should have stopped in 1982 (the year wantedness of first pregnancy was
compiled for previous years).13 As a
result, although the codes used identified all women included in the initial
sample correctly as described (i.e., the data used were not miscoded), there was
a large number of women in the delivery group with unwanted first pregnancies
who were not included in the study, reducing the power of our statistical
analyses to detect relationships. Thus, we reanalyzed the data to ensure that
we had not failed to detect a significant relationship that might exist in the larger
NLSY sample. Additional findings based on the expanded sample as described
above are presented in Tables 1-5b As can be
seen from examination of the findings, including the additional women in the
sample and increasing power does not change the significance of the
results. Whatever the comparison,
whether based on our study’s design or the design of the Reardon & Cougle
study which selected only those pregnancies occurring 1980 and later (and which
we believe inappropriately uses differential exclusion in addition to miscoding
the predictor variable), abortion is not found to be significantly related to higher
depression risk. Specifically,
in Tables 1, findings again confirm that the exclusion of pre-1980 pregnancies in
Reardon & Cougle’s previous design results in disproportionate exclusion of
women in the delivery group who exceeded the CES-D cut-off score. Similarly,
when comparing mean CES-D scores for the four groups, women who were in the
pre-1980 delivery group had significantly higher depression scores than all
other groups, who in turn did not differ significantly from each other. Consequently,
findings based on the post-1980 sample in either our sample or Reardon &
Cougle’s sample should not be generalized to all first unwanted pregnancies. We
provide the information below only to satisfy questions about how our findings
compared to those of Reardon & Cougle.2 Table 1: Proportion of participants in high-risk
category for depression stratified by pregnancies before 1980 and those
occurring from 1981 onwards
* n = 23 cases missing due to no data on the year the first pregnancy
began 1. Referent group from which the other three
groups are compared. For each
comparison, the pre-1980 delivery group was coded as “0” and each other group
coded as “1” so that odds ratios less than 1.0 indicate greater depression in
the pre-1980 delivery group. As Table
2a shows, although a larger proportion of women in the delivery group than the
abortion group exceeded the CES-D cut off score, this finding was not
statistically significant. The lack of
significant differences between groups is a consistent pattern across the
tables. Table 2a: Odds ratios (95%
confidence intervals) predicting depression cut-off scores from pregnancy
outcome, stratified by marital status in 1992, unadjusted and adjusted for
explanatory variables.
Note. Pregnancy outcome coded
"0" for delivery and "1" for abortion; higher CES-D scores
indicate greater levels of depression. Odds
ratios greater than 1.0 would thus indicate a higher risk for depression in the
abortion group *Adjusted
for race, age at first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and
family income # Adjusted for race, age at first pregnancy, education, and
family income & Adjusted for 1979 measure of Rotter internal locus of
control, race, age at first pregnancy, education, and family income †
Adjusted for 1979 measure of Rotter internal locus of control, race, age at
first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income Table 2b: Means, standard
deviations, and unadjusted and adjusted betas of CES-D depression scores,
stratified by marital status and year of pregnancy outcome (pre-1980/1980 and
beyond)
Note. Pregnancy outcome coded
"0" for delivery and "1" for abortion; higher CES-D scores
indicate greater levels of depression. Positive
beta coefficients would thus indicate a higher risk for depression in the
abortion group. *Adjusted
for race, age at first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and
family income # Adjusted for race, age at first pregnancy, education, and
family income & Adjusted for 1979 measure of Rotter internal locus of
control, race, age at first pregnancy, education, and family income †
Adjusted for 1979 measure of Rotter internal locus of control, race, age at
first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income Table 3: Relationship between
depression and pregnancy outcome within sub-populations known to vary in amount
of underreporting of abortion.
Note. Pregnancy outcome coded "0"
for delivery and "1" for abortion; higher CES-D scores indicate
greater levels of depression. Chi-square statistic compares CES-D cut-off by pregnancy
outcome; t-tests compare CES-D continuous scores by pregnancy outcome. Table 4: Other outcome variables
Note. *P < .05, ** P< .0001 Pregnancy
outcome was coded "0" for delivery and "1" for
abortion. For the
income variable, the mean of 3.15 corresponds to an income in the range of
20,001 to 30,000, and the mean of 4.15 corresponds to an income in the range of
30,001 to 40,000. Positive
t-values comparing education, income, and family size across groups indicate
higher scores in the abortion group; negative t-values indicate lower scores in
the abortion group. Odds
ratios less than 1 and negative beta coefficients indicate that greater income
and education are associated with decreased depression; larger family size is
associated with increased depression, as evidenced by the odds ratio greater
than 1 and positive beta coefficient. Table 5a: Logistic and OLS
regression results if all women with subsequent abortions are excluded:
*Adjusted for race, age at first
pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and family income Table 5b: Logistic and OLS regression results if only women in the
delivery group with subsequent abortions are excluded:
*Adjusted
for race, age at first pregnancy, and 1992 marital status, education, and
family income In summary, even with a larger sample, based on
coding of unwanted first pregnancy that is verified as accurate by NLSY staff,14 there is still no evidence that abortion of a
first unwanted pregnancy increases risk for depression, and this lack of
evidence is a consistent finding across groups that are known to vary in
underreporting of abortion. References [1] Schmiege SJ, [2] Reardon
DC, Cougle JR. Depression and unintended pregnancy in the National Longitudinal
Survey of Youth: a cohort study. British Medical Journal.
2002; 324:151-2. http://bmj.bmjjournals.com/cgi/reprint/324/7330/151 [3] [4] Pinto, FK., [5] Leahy, P. [6] Rey, A. [7] Gilchrist AC. et al, Termination of pregnancy
and psychiatric morbidity, British
Journal of Psychiatry 1995; 167:243-248. [8] Gerrard, J. [9] Major, B. [10] Reardon, DC, Cougle, JR, Rue, VM, Shuping, MW,
Coleman, PK, & Ney, PG. Psychiatric admissions of low-income women
following abortion and childbirth Canadian
Medical Association Journal, 2003: 68 (10) http://www.cmaj.ca/cgi/content/full/168/10/1253 [11] Reardon DC, Ney PG., Scheuren F., Cougle J,
Coleman PK, Strahan TW. Deaths associated with pregnancy outcome: a record
linkage study of low income women. Southern
Medical Journal, 2002: 95(8), 834-41. [12] Cougle JR, [13] We want to thank David Reardon for drawing the
1982 data to our attention. [14]
We want to thank Canada Keck of the Center for Human Resources Research at Revised
SAS codes: libname in 'g:\british'; OPTIONS
SYSPARM='.'; OPTIONS
NOCENTER; OPTIONS
LS=80; DATA
a; SET in.nlsy_1110; rename r0769500=wantp182; rename R1017500=wantp183; rename R1325400=wantp184; rename R1522056=outp1_84; rename R1702800=wantp185; rename R1892758=outp1_85; rename R2002900=wantp186; rename R2259858=outp1_86; rename R2579200=wantp188; rename R2879700=outp1_88; rename R3188900=wantp190; rename R3409800=outp1_90; rename R3792500=wantp192; rename R4009468=outp1_92; data b; set
a; if R0214800=2; proc freq; tables wantp182 wantp183 wantp184
outp1_84 wantp185 outp1_85
wantp186 outp1_86 wantp188 outp1_88 wantp190 outp1_90
wantp192 outp1_92; data c; set
b; p1_out=.; if outp1_92>-4
then p1_out=outp1_92; else if
outp1_90>-4 then
p1_out=outp1_90; else if
outp1_88>-4 then
p1_out=outp1_88; else if
outp1_86>-4 then
p1_out=outp1_86; else if
outp1_85>-4 then
p1_out=outp1_85; else if
outp1_84>-4 then
p1_out=outp1_84; wanted=.; if p1_out>-4
and p1_out<6 then
do; if outp1_84>-4
and wantp182>=-3 then
wanted=wantp182; else if
outp1_84>-4 and wantp183>=-3
then wanted=wantp183; else if
outp1_84>-4 and wantp184>=-3
then wanted=wantp184; else if
outp1_85>-4 and wantp185>=-3
then wanted=wantp185; else if
outp1_86>-4 and wantp186>=-3
then wanted=wantp186; else if
outp1_88>-4 and wantp188>=-3
then wanted=wantp188; else if
outp1_90>-4 and wantp190>=-3
then wanted=wantp190; else if
outp1_92>-4 and wantp192>=-3
then wanted=wantp192; else if
wanted=. and
outp1_92 in (2 3
4 5)
then wanted=999; end; data d; set
c; if wanted=3
or wanted=4 then
do; if p1_out = 1
then pregout = 0; end; if wanted>2
then do; if p1_out=4
then pregout = 1; end; proc format; value p1_out 1='live
birth' 2='miscarriage' 3='stillborn' 4='abortion' 5='still
pregnant'; value pregout 0='live
birth' 1='abortion'; value wanted 1='wanted
to be preg' 2="didn't
matte" 3='no,
not then' 4='no,
never' 999='not
asked, 1992'; run; Competing interests: None declared |
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Priscilla K. Coleman, Associate Professor of Human Development and Family Studies Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH 43402
Send response to journal:
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As an academic researcher with a great deal of experience studying and publishing on the psychology of abortion, I feel compelled to comment on a few critical and overlooked shortcomings of the Schmiege and Russo original presentation of findings and the supplemental results offered in the Rapid Response forum. The analyses presented in Table 3 of the article do not incorporate controls for variables identified as significant predictors of abortion (higher education and income and smaller family size). These associations between pregnancy outcome and depression are troubling since lower education and income and larger family size predicted depression (see Table 4). Without the controls, the delivery group, which is associated with lower education and income and larger families, will have more depression variance erroneously attributed to pregnancy resolution. Among the unmarried, white women, 30% of those in the abortion group had scores exceeding the clinical cut-off for depression, compared to 16% of the delivery group. Statistical significance is likely to have been achieved with the controls instituted. This group is important to focus on as unmarried, white women represent the segment of the U.S. population obtaining the majority of abortions [1]. Failure to convey the most scientifically defensible information is inexcusable when the data set contains the necessary variables. I strongly urge the authors to run these analyses. Curiously, in all the comparisons throughout the article, the authors neglect to control for family size without any explanation. I further recommend including women who aborted pregnancies deemed wanted at some point in the controlled analyses of white, unmarried women. Pregnancy wantedness is a nebulously defined variable, open to multiple subjective interpretations. Obviously the women who fell into the “wanted” category had mixed feelings with not wanting the pregnancy over-riding any wantedness, as they did in fact terminate their pregnancies. There is insufficient justification provided by the authors for excluding these cases. The authors state in one of their Rapid Response postings that removal of the 17 cases (29.4% exceeded the cut-off for clinical depression) from a sample of over 1200 did not change the results. Which results are they referring to exactly? Many different analyses were conducted. Why not provide the numerical evidence? The number of abortion cases in the various analyses ranged from a low of 33 to a high of 479, rendering the above statement focusing on the number in the full sample (abortion and delivery cases) misleading. Many of the 17 cases would likely fall into the unmarried, white sub-sample and the addition of even 8 cases to the sub-sample of 74 represents a nearly 11% increase. Finally, Major wrote a Rapid Response echoing Schmiege and Russo’s contention that the body of evidence does not support an association between abortion and mental health, a view that the American Psychological Association has promulgated despite the publication of numerous studies in top peer-reviewed journals indicating otherwise. Major, Russo and others have sternly criticized published findings demonstrating associations between abortion and negative psychological health for insufficient control of third variables (e.g., prior psychological health, substance use, exposure to violence, etc.) and for use of data likely to be compromised by high rates of concealment. Yet they are unwilling to apply the same methodological standards to their own work and the work of colleagues who publish politically acceptable findings. A group of New Zealand authors of a recently published, well- controlled prospective investigation revealing strong associations between abortion history and anxiety, depression, suicide ideation, and substance use boldly challenged the APA’s recent conclusion that “well-designed studies of psychological responses following abortion have consistently shown that risk of psychological harm is low” [2]. Fergusson and his colleagues noted that this conclusion was based on a small number of studies, which suffer from significant methodological deficiencies and a general disregard for studies showing negative effects. The authors concluded: “the present research raises the possibility that for some young women, exposure to abortion is a traumatic life event which increases longer-term susceptibility to common mental disorders.” This paper and several responses to it provide a disconcerting microcosm of the scholarly study of abortion and women’s mental health in the United States over the past several decades. Pursuit of a socio- political agenda seems to have taken precedence over genuine concern for women’s health, upholding principles of scientific integrity, and the advancement of knowledge. The best available empirical evidence indicates than a minimum of 10-20% of women experience severe, prolonged psychological problems associated with an abortion experience [3-7]. The emotional suffering of countless women for whom abortion was clearly not an adaptive choice can not be ethically ignored. [1] Jones, R.K., Darroch, J.E., & Henshaw, S. K. (2002). Patterns in the scoieconomic characteristics of women obtaining abortions in 2000- 2001. Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health, 34 (5) September/October. [2] Fergusson, D. M., Horwood, J., & Ridder, E. M. (2006). Abortion in young women and subsequent mental health. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 47, 16-24. [3] Bradshaw, Z., & Slade P. (2003). The effects of induced abortion on emotional experiences and relationships: A critical review of the literature. Clinical Psychology Review, 23, 929-958. [4] Coleman, P. K., Reardon, D.C., Strahan, T., & Cougle, J. (2005). The psychology of abortion: A review and suggestions for future research. Psychology & Health, 20, 237-271. [5] Lewis, W. J. (1997). Factors associated with post-abortion adjustment problems: Implications for triage. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 6, 9-17. [6] Major, B., & Cozzarelli, C. (1992). Psychological predictors of adjustment to abortion. Journal of Social Issues, 48, 121-142. [7] Zolese, G., & Blacker C. V. R. (1992). The psychological complications of therapeutic abortion. British Journal of Psychiatry, 160, 742-749. Competing interests: None declared |
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