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Theresa M Marteau a Psychology and
Genetics Research Group, King's College London, London SE1 9RT, b GP and Primary Care Research Unit, University of Cambridge,
Institute of Public Health, Cambridge CB2 2SR Correspondence
to: T M Marteau theresa.marteau{at}kcl.ac.uk
The National Screening Committee has recommended a paradigm
of informed choice for participants in all screening programmes. Theresa Marteau and Ann Louise Kinmonth examine the potential consequences of applying such a policy to screening for risk of coronary heart disease in primary care
Current recommendations for the primary prevention of
coronary heart disease in groups at high risk depend on screening
through primary care and provision of risk related advice or
treatment.1 Criticisms of these recommendations highlight
the lack of evidence for the cost effectiveness of multiple risk factor
interventions delivered through primary care.
2 3
We
propose that this lack of effectiveness may, in part, reflect how
people are invited for screening. The public health approach most often
used focuses on maximising participation in screening rather than on
informed participation. We consider here the implications of offering
primary preventive services for cardiovascular disease within a
framework of informed choice.
We searched Medline and PsycINFO databases for systematic
literature reviews relating to informed choice and screening, both in
general and in relation to cardiovascular disease. We also drew on
personal literature collections, stemming from joint long term
interests in risk perception and screening for cardiovascular and other risks.
A screening procedure is one that is applied to a population to
select people at risk of an unfavourable health outcome for further
investigation, monitoring, or advice and treatment. A traditional
public health approach to screening regards the population benefits of
reduced morbidity and mortality as inherent, not to be appraised by
individuals before they decide whether or not to participate. In
keeping with this, the information accompanying the invitation tends to
be brief, emphasising the general health benefits of participation.
A policy shift is occurring in the United Kingdom and elsewhere towards
informed choice, as laid out by the National Screening Committee:
"There is a responsibility to ensure that those who accept an
invitation (to screening) do so on the basis of informed choice, and
appreciate that in accepting an invitation or participating in a
programme to reduce their risk of a disease there is a risk of an
adverse outcome".4 This approach recognises the fact that although screening programmes may benefit populations, not all
participants will benefit and some will even be harmed by participation.
Good examples of an informed choice approach to screening are mainly to
be found in situations where the penalty of uninformed screening is
seen as unacceptably high. When termination of pregnancy is a possible
outcome of antenatal screening, for example, a policy of informed
choice is seen as central to individual autonomy and to avoiding
eugenic practice.5 Authors concerned about the adverse
psychological effects of unrealistic expectations of what cancer
screening programmes can deliver have emphasised the importance of
informed choice.
6 7
This position is reinforced by
increasing litigation associated with the provision of poor quality
information to people participating in cancer and prenatal screening
programmes.8
Screening for risk of coronary heart disease can be said to
differ fundamentally from screening for existing disorders such as
Down's syndrome or breast cancer. In the first case screening is based
on the probability of a future event, and cardiovascular risk is
continuously distributed in the population; in the second case a
screening test, of defined precision, splits the population into people
likely or unlikely to have an existing condition, and this is then
confirmed or excluded by a diagnostic test. Although cardiovascular
risk may be continuous, however, judgments on how to manage it are
binary. Individual risk status is usually confirmed by duplication of
measurement of risk factors such as blood pressure, lipids, and
glucose. At specified levels of risk, treatment is offered to
individuals in an attempt to avert possible adverse future events.
Screening for cardiovascular risk in primary care has also been
approached through "case finding." For example, a patient may be
identified as having hypertension while consulting about a skin
infection. However, qualitative evidence has shown that patients would
like choice in this situation and vary as to whether they are ready for
the associated lifestyle advice.9
Categorising individuals as belonging to high risk
groups is associated with the adverse effects resulting from labelling. For example, identification of diabetes, hypertension, or
hyperlipidaemia creates demands for clinical monitoring and adherence
to drug treatment, potentially resulting in a life lived in fear of a heart attack or stroke. Many people do not want to pay these prices for
an uncertain reduction in personal risk.10 However, little or no debate has taken place about the consequences of shifting the
focus of screening for specified thresholds of cardiovascular risk from
one guided by a population based public health paradigm to one guided
by individual informed choice.
An emerging consensus states that an informed choice or decision
has two core characteristics: firstly, it is based on relevant, good
quality information; and, secondly, the resulting choice reflects the
decision maker's values. This can be viewed in practice as a choice
based on relevant knowledge, reflecting an individual's value system,
and behaviourally implemented.11 The General Medical Council has produced guidance on the information that should be provided to people offered screening.12 This includes
information on the condition for which screening is being offered, as
well as information on the likelihood, meaning, and implications of all
possible test results. Such guidelines do not, however, tell us how
much information should be provided or how it should be presented in
order to facilitate choices that are informed.
Summary points
Invitations for cardiovascular screening tend to emphasise the
benefits of participation, neglecting the possible harms and
uncertainties that such screening entails
A policy shift is occurring towards ensuring that people invited to
participate in any screening programme do so on the basis of an
informed choice
The impact of conducting cardiovascular screening within an informed
choice paradigm is unknown
Presenting the uncertainties associated with the assessment and
reduction of cardiovascular risk has the potential to be more cost
effective than screening conducted in a traditional, public health
paradigm if it results in participants who are more motivated to reduce
their risks
It also has the potential to increase inequalities by reducing the
number of people most at risk who participate in screening
Evaluation of the operation of an informed choice approach to
cardiovascular risk assessment is needed
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Methods
Top
Methods
Current philosophy and practice
Possibility of harm
What would informed choice...
What might be the...
Conclusion
References
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Current philosophy and practice
Top
Methods
Current philosophy and practice
Possibility of harm
What would informed choice...
What might be the...
Conclusion
References
![]()
Possibility of harm
Top
Methods
Current philosophy and practice
Possibility of harm
What would informed choice...
What might be the...
Conclusion
References
![]()
What would informed choice look like?
Top
Methods
Current philosophy and practice
Possibility of harm
What would informed choice...
What might be the...
Conclusion
References

(Credit: PNS/REX)
Screening programmes may benefit populations, but only a few
individuals will benefit and some may even be harmed by participation
The national service framework for coronary heart disease and the joint British recommendations on prevention of coronary heart disease propose that all patients with a 10 year absolute risk of a coronary event (non-fatal myocardial infarction or death from coronary heart disease) of over 30% should "be targeted and treated." 1 13 People meeting or exceeding this threshold may be viewed as "screen positive." If such patients take effective drugs for hypercholesterolaemia and high blood pressure they can, as a group, reduce this risk by about 30% over 10 years (estimated from studies over five years). 14 15 This might reduce a 10 year risk of 30% to one of 21%. Thus a patient identified as being at high risk by the screening criteria in the national service framework has about a 9% chance of benefiting (and a 91% chance of not benefiting) from 10 years of treatment. To put this another way, 11 patients at high risk must be treated for 10 years to avoid a coronary event in one of them.
How will individual patients respond to different representations of
their predicament? The information could be presented in general
terms
for example, "this treatment will reduce your risk"
or more
specifically in terms of reductions in relative or absolute risk or in
terms of the number of patients who need to be treated for one person
to gain. The consequences of treatment can also be expressed in terms
of the number of people who will be inadvertently harmed. Each of these
different ways of presenting similar information can affect choices in
other contexts,16 but we do not know how different
combinations affect choices about participation in screening for risk
of coronary heart disease or about subsequent treatment and changes
in behaviour.
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What might be the consequences of achieving informed choice? |
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|
|
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Uptake
Educational interventions aimed at increasing uptake of
screening seem to have, at most, only small effects on
uptake.17 However, the content of these interventions was probably more positive than negative, given that such interventions are
generally aimed at increasing uptake rather than promoting informed
choice. Evaluations of some information systems aimed at helping men to
make informed choices about screening for prostate cancer show a
decreased uptake in screening after provision of information about the
uncertain and adverse effects of such screening.18 This,
however, is for a screening test that is a weak predictor of a
condition for which treatment is of unknown benefit. It may not hold
for cardiovascular disease, for which the impact of preventive drugs on
risk reduction is well documented and may be judged as large in the
groups at highest risk.
Emotional impact of screening
Participating in screening after having made an informed choice to
do so is likely to be associated with more realistic expectations of
screening, with corresponding lower levels of emotional distress and
false reassurance. Interventions that increase understanding about a
screening test and subsequent interventions lead to lower levels of
emotional distress among people learning of increased risks of disease
and lower levels of false reassurance in people receiving a negative
result or one indicating a low risk.
19 20
Motivation to change behaviour
Change in behaviour after participation in cardiovascular
screening programmes designed to reduce the risk of coronary heart
disease has been disappointing.21 Change in behaviour is
most likely in people who are motivated to make such changes.22 Ensuring that people accepting an invitation
for screening do so on the basis of relevant information may lead to
the motivation to make changes to reduce any risks identified being
higher than has been observed hitherto, resulting in larger effects on health.
Impact on equity and population health
A policy of informed choice might inadvertently foster
inequities in two ways. Firstly, a detailed invitation to participate
in screening may lead to high levels of fear in people aware of their
increased risk, an emotional state that can lead to avoidance
behaviour, including not attending for screening.23 Secondly, a detailed invitation to participate in screening may be less
accessible to people with low literacy skills, who may also be at high
risk of heart disease. Development of materials that do not induce very
high levels of fear and are comprehensible to most of the population
may go some way towards minimising these potential sources of inequity.
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Conclusion |
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|
|
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The net effect of any population based preventive
strategy depends on the number of people participating, their baseline
levels of risk, and the changes in risk achieved by their actions after testing. Although a policy of informed choice may reduce the likelihood of the public health objectives of screening being achieved, it may
also increase the effectiveness of interventions among people who
choose to participate and may prove at least as cost effective as
current efforts. If people are unmotivated to achieve the gains that
risk assessment and subsequent intervention can result in, this would
be another instance of informed patients behaving in ways that are at
odds with prevailing medical opinion, an increasingly recognised
consequence of patient centred care.24 Whatever the population outcomes, a policy of informed choice could place primary care back in partnership with patients seeking help to change their
behaviour, as opposed to being faced with a responsibility for
improving the health of the public, regardless of the motivation of
individual patients. Studies are now needed to evaluate the impact of a
policy of informed choice on reducing cardiovascular risk in high risk
populations identified by screening.
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Acknowledgments |
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We thank Kay Tee Khaw, Simon Griffin, Jon Emery, David French, Susan Michie, and David Armstrong for discussions of earlier drafts of this paper and Nadine Bowen for its preparation.
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Footnotes |
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Editorial by Brindle and Fahey
Funding: TMM is funded by the Wellcome Trust. ALK is supported by NHS Research and Development.
Competing interests: None declared.
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References |
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(Accepted 11 April 2002)
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