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Donald A Redelmeier Sunnybrook and
Women's Hospital, Toronto, ON, Canada M4N 3M5 Correspondence to: D A Redelmeier
dar{at}ices.on.ca
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Abstract |
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Objective:
To determine whether the link between
high success and longevity extends to academy award winning screenwriters.
Design:
Retrospective cohort analysis.
Participants:
All screenwriters ever nominated
for an academy award.
Main outcome measures:
Life expectancy and all
cause mortality.
Results:
A total of 850 writers were nominated;
the median duration of follow up from birth was 68 years; and 428 writers died. On average, winners were more successful than nominees, as indicated by a 14% longer career (27.7 v 24.2, P=0.004), 34% more total films (23.2 v 17.3, P<0.001),
58% more four star films (4.8 v 3.1, P<0.001), and 62%
more nominations (2.1 v 1.3, P<0.001). However, life
expectancy was 3.6 years shorter for winners than for nominees
(74.1 v 77.7 years, P=0.004), equivalent to a 37% relative
increase in death rates (95% confidence interval 10 to 70). After
adjustment for year of birth, sex, and other factors, a 35% relative
increase in death rates was found (7% to 70%). Additional wins were
associated with a 22% relative increase in death rates (3% to 44%).
Additional nominations and additional other films in a career otherwise
caused no significant increase in death rates.
Conclusion:
The link between occupational
achievement and longevity is reversed in screenwriters who win academy
awards. Doubt is cast on simple biological theories for the survival
gradients found for other members of society.
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What is already known on this topic
What this study adds
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Introduction |
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The link between socioeconomic status and survival is enigmatic. Many studies have shown that high occupational achievement is related to better health, yet the underlying mechanisms remain disputed.1-3 Writers on this topic can use behavioural or biological theories, or both, to explain the findings.4 Behavioural theories assume that lifestyles of people in the upper social classes contribute to good health. Indeed, smoking is a notable cause of sickness and is somewhat more common among poor people than rich people.5 Biological theories assume that internal processes related to success reduce susceptibility to disease. 6 7 For example, stress that prevails in states of relative deprivation may cause the immune system to malfunction.8
Academy awards nominees and winners
Three wins Billy Wilder: The Lost Weekend (1945), Sunset Boulevard (1950), The Apartment (1960) Charles Brackett: The Lost Weekend (1945), Sunset Boulevard (1950), Titanic (1953) Five or more nominations At least one win Woody Allen: Hannah and Her Sisters (1986), Annie Hall (1977) Billy Wilder: (see above) John Huston: The Treasure of the Sierra Madre (1948) Charles Brackett: (see above) Ben Hecht: The Underworld (1928), The Scoundrel (1935) Carl Foreman: The Bridge on the River Kwai (1957) Oliver Stone: Midnight Express (1978) Robert Benton: Kramer vs Kramer (1979), Places in the Heart (1984) Francis Ford Coppola: Patton (1970), The Godfather (1972), The Godfather II (1974) Michael Wilson: A Place in the Sun (1951), The Bridge on the River Kwai (1957) Joseph L Mankiewicz: A Letter to Three Wives (1949), All About Eve (1950) Richard Brooks: Elmer Gantry (1960) Robert Riskin: It Happened One Night (1934) No wins Federico Fellini Ingmar Bergman Stanley Kubrick |
The link between occupational achievement and survival is further
complicated by common misunderstandings. Firstly, the association is
not due solely to a reverse causality artefact. Aside from a few
diseases
for example, schizophrenia
most studies indicate that good
health results from, rather than leads to, high
achievement.
9 10
Secondly, the association is not limited
to the poor only. Instead, several studies suggest that a link exists
at average levels of achievement.11 Thirdly, the
association is unlikely to have a single explanation.12
Furthermore, many determinants of survival
for example, command over
resources, perceptions of social hierarchy, inequities in the material
world
are compatible with both behavioural and biological
theories.13
We wondered whether the lives of screenwriters might provide some
insight into the relative contributions that behavioural and biological
mechanisms make to the link between achievement and survival. We
selected screenwriters because they labour in anonymity, yet their work
is renowned. For example, millions of people know the movie
Lawrence of Arabia, yet few would recognise the authors of
the screenplay (Robert Bolt and Michael Wilson). Unlike other
occupations, screenwriters can obtain high stature without a special
upbringing or daily accountability. Without such guides for behaviour,
successful screenwriters might gain little survival advantage according
to a behavioural theory, yet they might gain great survival advantage
according to a biological theory. Our study tests the long term
survival of highly successful screenwriters.
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Methods |
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Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences
The
Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences currently has about 6000 members and is grouped into 13 branches
for example, the writers
branch has about 300 members. The annual awards process is complex (see www.oscar.org for details). In December of each year the academy compiles a list of eligible films; each writer of these films is
eligible to be nominated for a screenwriting award. In the following
January the list is sent to academy members, and members of the writers
branch are invited to nominate five films in each of two screenplay
categories. In February the nominations are tabulated, the top five in
each category are identified, and all academy members subsequently vote
for each category. The academy award goes to the writers of the
screenplay with the most votes.
Selection of writers
We identified all screenwriters
nominated for an academy award for writing at any time during their
career. Specific categories for original screenplay and for adapted
screenplay were included; distinctions have been given different names
over the years. The Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences
supplied a listing of all screenwriters nominated for writing. The
period of selection spanned the time from inception to the most recent awards (1929-2001), amounting to 73 consecutive annual award
ceremonies. Many films had more than one author, and we included every
person who received writing credits. Some winners had multiple wins
during their career; we recorded each one, along with the total number of films and total number of nominations of every screenwriter.
Births and deaths
We collected data on each person's date
of birth, and date of death if applicable, from the internet through four databases: the AMG all movie guide (www.allmovie.com), the internet movie database (www.imdb.com), the Los Angeles public library
obituary index (http://dbase1.lapl.org/pages/rip.htm), and the social
security death index (www.ancestry.com). Each source aims to provide up
to date information and undergoes public scrutiny. Data were checked by
consulting 14 written publications, and conflicts were resolved by
accepting printed sources over the internet.14-27 We
obtained additional data on births and deaths by inquiry to the
national film information service and by contacting agents representing
the screenwriters.
Individual characteristics
Personal details about
individual screenwriters were retrieved by using similar methods to
the above, with the following exceptions. We determined whether the screenwriter had received any formal education beyond high school by
consulting the single most comprehensive source, the AMG all movie
guide. The start and end dates of a career are often ambiguous, so
we accepted the first and final years as listed in the guide's filmography of movie contributions for each person. Screenwriters write
on varied topics, so each writer's genre was classified according to
what was listed first by the AMG all movie guide. Similarly, film
reviews are not necessarily an accurate measure of a film's
quality, yet the all movie guide's five star ratings were
accepted.
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Statistical analysis
Our primary analysis compared the
mortality of screenwriters who won an award with the mortality of
screenwriters who were nominated but did not win. We plotted survival
by using the Kaplan-Meier method and estimated life expectancy as the
area under the curve. We based statistical significance on the log rank
test. These methods are identical to methods used
previously.28 Multivariate analyses used the proportional
hazards model to adjust for year of birth, sex, education (documented
or not), film genre (drama or not), total films, total four star films,
total nominations, age at first film, and age at first nomination. We
used time dependent covariate analyses to evaluate writers who achieved
victory years after their first nomination.
29 30
All
tests were conducted using two tailed analyses.
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Results |
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Overall, 850 screenwriters were nominated for an academy award; of these, 189 won at least once (see www.oscar.org) and 661 did not win. Winners and nominees had similar demographic characteristics (table 1). The median age at first film and first nomination was 32 and 41 years, respectively. For the winners, the median age at first victory was 41 years; most (171/185, 92%) achieved victory before 55 years of age and a few (24/189, 13%) had multiple victories. The most frequently nominated screenwriter was Woody Allen, who accumulated 13 nominations and two wins. Most wrote as teams, including Billy Wilder, who had 12 nominations and three wins. He won two of these awards with Charles Brackett. Most writers did not act or direct. The film that won an academy award for best picture was usually nominated for a screenwriting award also (66/73).
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We assessed the length of each screenwriter's career as the interval from their first to their latest film. The degree of occupational achievement varied substantially (table 1). On average, winners had careers that lasted 14% longer than careers of nominees (27.7 v 24.2 years, P=0.004), they worked on 34% more total films than nominees (23.2 v 17.3, P<0.001), and wrote 58% more four star films (4.8 v 3.1, P<0.001). Education was documented for 58 winners and 143 nominees; of these, most had attended some academic courses beyond high school (55/58 v 116/143, 95% v 81%, P=0.013). Drama was the most common writing genre, accounting for the majority of screenwriters and having a slight tendency to be more frequent in winners than nominees (131/189 v 408/661, 69% v 62%, P=0.056).
A total of 428 screenwriters had died by 6 April 2001, reflecting a median follow up from birth of 68 years. Winners had shorter lives than nominees (figure next page) and the difference in life expectancy was 3.6 years (74.1 v 77.7 years, P=0.004). Analyses based only on men showed a 4.0 year difference in life expectancy between winners and nominees (73.6 v 77.6 years, P=0.002). The overall difference persisted after screenwriters who died before age 55 or were first nominated after age 55 were excluded (76.2 v 79.8 years, P=0.003). Analyses based on survival after first film, rather than after birth, yielded a difference of 2.4 years (37.1 v 39.5 years, P=0.008). Analyses based on survival after first nomination, rather than after birth, yielded a difference of 3.2 years (45.4 v 48.6 years, P=0.002).
The generally higher mortality for winners compared with nominees was equivalent to about a 37% relative increase in death rates (95% confidence interval 10% to 70%). Adjusting for demographic factors yielded similar results (table 2). Analyses using a time dependent step function, in which winners were counted as nominees until the time of their first victory, yielded a relative increase in death rates of 48% (19% to 84%). Analyses that confined the group of winners to screenwriters who won at first nomination, and classified all others as nominees, yielded a relative increase in death rates of 40% (10% to 79%). Analyses that excluded all screenwriters with multiple victories yielded a relative increase in death rates of 39% (11% to 75%).
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Screenwriters with long careers often received more nominations than
did screenwriters with short careers. The winners accumulated a total
of 396 nominations, of which 181 were defeats. The nominees accumulated
a total of 827 nominations. The number of nominations in each group was
equivalent to about 0.14 per year of career. We found no association
between number of defeats and increased death rates, either for winners
(
3,
13 to 9) or nominees (
8,
21 to 8). Analyses of both
groups together showed that each victory was associated with a 22%
(3% to 44%) increase in death rates, whereas each nomination not
followed by a win offered no significant increase in death rates
(
7%,
15% to 2%).
We focused further analyses on the winners to better understand their shorter survival. Winners who worked intensely, intensity being measured as films per year of career, had a 67% (19% to 134%) higher death rate than winners who worked less intensely, measured as the additional hazard per film per year. For example, screenwriters who averaged less than one film each year in their career lived about 4.5 years longer than screenwriters who averaged one or more films each year in their career (75.7 v 71.2 years, P=0.035). The increased risk associated with work intensity was not unique to winners but was also observed when nominees averaging less than one film per year were compared with nominees averaging one or more films per year (79.0 v 73.7, P=0.003).
Other analyses assessed how missing data might affect the robustness of
the results. Overall, the proportion of screenwriters not known to be
dead was smaller for the winners than for the nominees (77/189
v 345/661, 41% v 52%, P=0.006). However,
analyses based on screenwriters known to be dead showed a 20% (
5%
to 47%) increase in death rates among the winners. In addition, 55 screenwriters were missing valid birth dates; more dates were missing
for nominees than winners (table 1). For life expectancy to be equal
for winners and nominees, however, all these missing screenwriters
would need to have died at an average age of 15.
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Discussion |
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Winning an academy award for screenwriting is associated with a loss in life expectancy. The apparent decrease in survival was about three years, could not be explained by simple demographics, and was evident even though victory leads to a major gain in earnings.31 A career with many nominations but no awards was not associated with decreased survival, even though such a career indicates a high level of skill. The increased mortality is not easily attributed to occupation, talent, social hierarchy, neomaterial conditions, reverse causality, or measurement error. Rather, the results highlight the importance of occupational activity on susceptibility to disease and indicates that higher status does not always confer greater longevity.
Explanations
Several explanations might account for why
the link between success and survival does not extend to screenwriters who win academy awards. For example, screenwriters are not forced to
preserve their image by avoiding disgraceful behaviour, maintaining exemplary conduct, keeping physically fit, working regular hours, sleeping each night, or following the ideals of lifestyle. They are not
surrounded by people who have a vested interest in the writer's
reputation and who can enforce high standards. Outstanding screenwriters, furthermore, win early in their lives yet gain no
special control (e.g. influence at work and in the community), ability
to avoid stress, access to care, or celebrity privileges. Untangling
the possible explanations is difficult because screenwriters are as
diverse as their manuscripts.
Limitations
The main limitation of our research is
the missing data on birth, death, and the intervening years. Missing
birth data is not a major bias in our analysis because the
screenwriters could not have died at an age earlier than the age of any
screenwriter who has ever been nominated for an academy award.
Likewise, missing data on deaths is not a major bias because
differences in survival were still observed in screenwriters known to
be dead and because most missing birth dates were for nominees known to
be alive. Missing data on time before nomination could be a major bias
if suffering in early life leads to outstanding writing in later life.
We believe, however, that the priority for future research is to
discover how winners and nominees behave after the award ceremony is over.
Behavioural factors
We suggest that behavioural
factors account for the reduced life expectancy of winners, yet
biological factors may still be relevant. That is, perhaps a biological
factor is linked to both shortened survival and greater talent. If so, the benefits of winning might be masked, the gains from increased status hidden, and our inference misleading. However, such speculation is problematic because the determinants of talent are also prevalent in
screenwriters with multiple nominations (but no wins). Such speculation
also implies that it is possible to predict a winning manuscript before
the film is produced. Finally, such speculation would not explain why
writing is so different from other talents and is the first occupation
where success leads to a large increase in all cause
mortality.32
Writing versus acting
The results of this study are
even more intriguing when compared with results on actors and actresses who have won academy awards.28 In essence, winning an
academy award for acting is associated with a large increase in life
expectancy, whereas winning an academy award for screenwriting is
associated with a large decrease in life expectancy. Both findings are
hard to attribute to chance and the simplest explanation for the
discrepancy could be the obvious
namely, that the life of an actor is
different from the life of a writer. One unifying mechanism for the
discrepant health effects may relate to the amount of daily monitoring
and control, because actors lead lives of celebrity whereas writers lead lives of anonymity. More research is needed.
Our study is not about writers only, any more than the
Whitehall study is about civil servants only.33 The
difference in life expectancy that we found was similar to the societal
losses due to heart disease.
34 35
This difference
occurred even though winners had longer careers, more films, and more
nominations (all of which are measures of occupational
achievement) than nominees who did not win. The implication is that
greater success may lead to worse health in some groups. More
generally, biological theories on the link between accomplishment and
longevity are unlikely to be the only factors for all people. Behaviour
might be a powerful factor that can modulate and even reverse the link
between status and survival.
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Acknowledgments |
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We thank Susan Campbell for data entry, Robert Tibshirani and John-Paul Szalai for statistical insights, and Chaim Bell, David Juurlink, Cam Mustard, Lee Ross, Miriam Shuchman, and Matthew Stanbrook for commenting on drafts of this manuscript.
Contributors: DAR and SMS conceived the idea and designed the study, analysed and interpreted the data, drafted and revised the article, and gave final approval. SMS collected the data. DAR is the guarantor.
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Footnotes |
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Editorial by Davey Smith
Funding: DAR was supported by a career scientist award from the Ontario Ministry of Health and the de Souza Chair of the University of Toronto. SMS was supported by the Jane and Howard Jones Bursary of the University of Toronto. These funding sources had no role in the design, conduct, or reporting of this study.
Competing interests: None declared.
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