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Jane E Ferrie a International Centre for Health and Society,
Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, University College London
Medical School, London WC1E 6BT, b Department of Sociology, PO Box 18, 00014 University of
Helsinki, Finland, c Department of Psychiatry, Basic Medical Sciences
Building, Queen Mary, University of London, London E1 4NS, d Department of Social Medicine, University of
Bristol, Canynge Hall, Bristol BSS 2PR
Correspondence to:
J Ferrie j.ferrie{at}public-health.ucl.ac.uk
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Abstract |
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Objectives:
To determine whether employment status
after job loss due to privatisation influences health and use of health services and whether financial strain, psychosocial measures, or health
related behaviours can explain any findings.
Traditionally the public sector in the United Kingdom was immune
to the pressures of the marketplace, and among its main attractions were job security, a career, and good conditions of service. However, much of this changed during the 1980s, when the United Kingdom led the
way among industrialised countries in moves away from planned public
ownership and provision.1 Privatisation of the first
public service occurred in 1984. By the end of 1997 most public
utilities had been privatised, and currently privatisation is being
introduced into education, health care, transport, and central and
local government. The future privatisation of the executive functions
of government came on to the agenda with the introduction of the
"Next Steps" programme in August 1988. Early in the restructuring,
one of the 20 departments participating in the Whitehall II study, the
Property Services Agency, was sold to the private sector.
Whitehall II is an ongoing study of the health of civil servants, and
baseline data were collected before any indication of major
restructuring. It is thus ideally placed to address some of the
methodological limitations of previous studies of the effects of
workplace closure on health. Rumours of the forthcoming privatisation reached the work force two to three years before the sale, and during
this "anticipation" phase there was a deterioration in self
reported health both compared with baseline and, crucially, compared
with that reported in other departments in the Whitehall II
study.2 By the "pre-termination phase," immediately
before the sale, both self reported morbidity and physiological risk factors had increased relative to those seen in respondents in the
control departments.3 These increases in morbidity were not explained by changes in other psychosocial work characteristics or
changes in health related behaviours.4
We examined the effects on health and general practitioner
consultations of employment status 18 months after the privatisation and whether any associations could be explained by changes in financial
strain, psychosocial measures, and health related behaviours.
The privatisation of the Property Services Agency, which was
responsible for the design, construction, and maintenance of all
government buildings, was complete by the end of 1993. Between April
1990 and July 1991 the agency was split into six separate businesses.
Most of the Whitehall II respondents in this department at baseline
were in projects division, the design and construction side, which was
sold to Tarmac plc in December 1992.5 After privatisation
all employees lost their original jobs.
The Whitehall II study
Property Services Agency study
Measures
Design:
Data collected before and 18 months after privatisation.
Setting:
One department of the civil service that was sold to the private sector.
Participants:
666 employees during baseline screening
in the department to be privatised.
Main outcome measures:
Health and health service
outcomes associated with insecure re-employment, permanent exit from
paid employment, and unemployment after privatisation compared with
outcomes associated with secure re-employment.
Results:
Insecure re-employment and unemployment were associated with relative increases in minor psychiatric morbidity (mean
difference 1.56 (95% confidence intervals interval 1.0 to 2.2) and
1.25 (0.6 to 2.0) respectively) and having four or more consultations
with a general practitioner in the past year (odds ratio 2.04 (1.1 to
3.8) and 2.39 (1.2 to 4.7) respectively). Health outcomes for
respondents permanently out of paid employment closely resembled those
in secure re-employment, except for a substantial relative increase in
longstanding illness (2.25; 1.1 to 4.4). Financial strain and change in
psychosocial measures and health related behaviours accounted for
little of the observed associations. Adjustment for change in minor
psychiatric morbidity attenuated the association between insecure
re-employment or unemployment and general practitioner consultations by
26% and 27%, respectively.
Conclusions:
Insecure re-employment and unemployment
after privatisation result in increases in minor psychiatric morbidity and consultations with a general practitioner, which are possibly due
to the increased minor psychiatric morbidity.
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Introduction
Top
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References
![]()
Methods
Top
Abstract
Introduction
Methods
Results
Discussion
References
The target population for the Whitehall II study was all office
staff based in London who were working in 20 civil service departments
between late 1985 and early 1988. With a response rate of 73%, the
final cohort consisted of 10 308 participants (6895 men and 3413 women). Although mostly white collar (office) workers, respondents
covered a wide range of grades. The baseline screening of the cohort
involved a clinical examination and a self administered questionnaire
that contained sections on demographic characteristics, health,
lifestyle, and work.6
A study specifically designed to investigate effects of the
privatisation started in 1994. The study population was all 666 (153 women and 513 men) Whitehall II respondents who were working in the
agency at baseline screening. In addition to using baseline data, we
gathered follow up data by self administered questionnaire 18 months
after privatisation, eight to nine years after baseline screening. We
have used the baseline survey and data from the follow up questionnaire.
Personal details
Items drawn from the baseline and follow up questionnaires include age, marital status, civil service employment grade at baseline, and employment status 18 months after privatisation.
Self reported health outcomes at baseline and follow
up included health over the past year rated as average, fair, or poor
versus good or very good; presence of longstanding illness; number of symptoms in the past fortnight (from a checklist of 17); number of
health problems in the past year; and minor psychiatric morbidity assessed with the 12 item general health questionnaire.7
In the follow up questionnaire we also asked about the number of general practitioner consultations in the preceding 12 months.
We determined employment status 18 months after privatisation from responses to the follow up
questionnaire. From the answer to "How secure do you feel in your
present job?" we divided employed respondents into two groups: those
who were "secure" or "very secure" and those who were "not
very secure" or "very insecure." We divided those not in paid
employment according to their response to the question "Would you
like to find another job?" and classified those seeking work as
unemployed and those not seeking work as permanently out of paid
employment. The final four categories were secure re-employment,
insecure re-employment, unemployment, and permanently out of paid employment.
Explanatory factors
We assessed negative affectivity with
the five negative items from Bradburn's affectivity balance
scale.8 Financial strain was assessed by combining
responses to two questions from Pearlin and Schooler's list of chronic
strains (scores ranged from 0 to 8).9 Questions covered
problems with paying bills and buying the kind of food and clothing the
respondent thought she or he and the family should have. For
psychosocial measures we investigated perception of low ability to
influence health (external locus of control) and two or more adverse
life events in the past year, versus 0 or 1, in all employment groups.
For those in employment we examined four other psychosocial work
characteristics. Decision authority, skill discretion, and job demands
were adapted from the job content instrument of Karasek.10
Social support at work comprised three components: support from
colleagues, support from supervisors, and clarity and consistency of
information from supervisors. All the questions required responses on a
four point scale from "often" to "never/almost never." We
divided each scale into thirds, and, for analysis, change from third at
baseline to a more adverse or beneficial third by follow up formed the explanatory factor. Those who experienced adverse change were compared
with those who experienced no change or beneficial change and vice
versa. We investigated three behaviours related to health: alcohol
consumption over the recommended limits, smoking, and exercise. We
measured all explanatory factors, except negative affectivity, at
baseline and follow up.
Statistical analysis
Our overall aim was to determine whether change in morbidity
between baseline and follow up differed between respondents in the four
categories of employment after privatisation. In the absence of a
control group who had not experienced privatisation we used
participants in the most favourable category in the labour market
(secure re-employment) as the reference group.
Ethical approval
Ethical approval for the Whitehall II study was obtained from the
University College London Medical School committee on the ethics of
human research.
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Results |
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Employment status
Of the 666 respondents in the Property Services Agency at
baseline, 541 (81%) responded to the follow up questionnaire. Non-responders were younger than responders, and a smaller proportion did vigorous exercise at baseline. The 539 respondents who provided usable data were categorised by employment status 18 months after privatisation (table 1). Less than 10% of respondents
in the study population were re-employed by Tarmac
plc.
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Baseline differences
In general, respondents with less favourable employment outcomes
had greater morbidity and poorer psychosocial profiles and health
related behaviours at baseline (table 2). Results of
tests of heterogeneity between the groups were not significant for
psychosocial factors and health related behaviours but were significant
for health measures except longstanding illness. However, analyses of
health outcomes after privatisation adjusted for the baseline values of
all the health measures and all the potential explanatory variables
were similar to the results presented in table
2.
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Health outcomes and general practitioner consultations
Insecure re-employment and unemployment
After adjustment
for baseline measures, morbidity was greater among insecurely
re-employed or unemployed respondents than among securely re-employed
respondents. For minor psychiatric morbidity and consulting a general
practitioner four or more times in the past year differences were
significant (table 3).
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Among respondents
permanently out of paid employment outcomes for health self rated as average or worse and number of symptoms in the past fortnight compared
favourably with the reference group (secure re-employment). There was
little difference in number of health problems in the past year, but
the relative difference in longstanding illness was significant. Levels
of minor psychiatric morbidity were similar in the two groups, and
although general practitioner use was considerably raised, the relative
difference was not significant (table 3).
Potential explanatory factors
All the less favourable employment outcomes were associated with a
relative increase in financial strain, which was significant in the
unemployed. Relative to securely re-employed respondents, those in
insecure re-employment generally experienced adverse changes in other
psychosocial work characteristics (table 4). Overall,
health related behaviours among those with less favourable employment
outcomes were better than among the securely re-employed, including an
increase in vigorous exercise among unemployed respondents. However,
there was a considerable relative increase in smoking among respondents
permanently out of paid employment.
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Potential explanations
Table 5 gives details of health effects adjusted for potential
explanatory factors. Adjustment for negative affectivity had a negligible effect on the relation between permanent exit from
paid employment and longstanding illness. The only potential mediator
that attenuated the association between insecure re-employment and
minor psychiatric morbidity was adverse change in decision authority
(6%). Financial strain attenuated the association between unemployment
and minor psychiatric morbidity by 9%.
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Discussion |
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This large study of employment after privatisation shows that insecure re-employment and unemployment are both associated with increases in minor psychiatric morbidity and that being permanently out of paid work is associated with longstanding illness. These results cannot be explained by changes in financial strain, psychosocial factors, or health related behaviours.
Methodological considerations
Many studies on workplace closure have been limited by their
inability to collect data from a period of secure employment before any
rumour of job loss. Whitehall II has personal details and data on
health status, psychosocial measures, and health related behaviours
that were collected before privatisation of the Property Services
Agency was anticipated. History of ill health is often the strongest
predictor of subsequent morbidity. Comparison of data for individuals
from the baseline screening, a phase of secure employment, with those
collected 18 months after privatisation enabled us to determine changes
related to loss of secure employment separately from the effects of
previous health status and other demographic factors.
Self reported morbidity
Respondents who found secure re-employment after the sale of
the agency had the best self reported health, while those who were
insecurely re-employed or unemployed had the worst outcomes for most
measures. Among those permanently out of paid employment self reported
health outcomes were similar to those for respondents in secure
re-employment, except for longstanding illness, which was much higher
than in any other group. Longstanding illness has been shown in other
studies to be associated with permanent exit from paid employment
(mostly people who were permanently sick or had taken early
retirement), particularly at times of high unemployment.11
Minor psychiatric morbidity
Most studies of workplace closure have compared mental health in
unemployed people with that in re-employed people.12-15 With one exception14 such comparisons show that
re-employed people have better mental health than unemployed people,
although long term unemployment narrows or eliminates this difference. The problem with such comparisons is that differences may be due to the
selective re-employment of those with better mental
health.
16 17
After the privatisation in this study,
however, re-employed people were divided into those in secure
re-employment and those in insecure re-employment. This division showed
that change in minor psychiatric morbidity was significant among the
insecurely re-employed compared with those in secure re-employment.
This relative increase is commensurate with Burchell's finding that
increased depression scores in unemployed men are not reduced by
re-employment in an insecure job.18 Compared with
satisfactory re-employment, unsatisfactory re-employment after closure
among male steel workers19 and car workers15
increased depression scores, while scores for the unemployed fell in
between.19 Perceived job insecurity has also been
associated with an increased risk of minor psychiatric morbidity in
cross sectional studies in different occupational groups, predominantly white collar workers.20-22
General practitioner consultations
Eighteen months after privatisation there was a strong positive
association between those with less favourable employment outcomes and
number of consultations with a general practitioner. This association
was significant for the insecurely re-employed and the unemployed,
which were also the employment outcomes associated with greater levels
of self reported morbidity. Other studies which have data on this
outcome have shown insecure re-employment
26 27
and
unemployment28-31 to be associated with increased number
of consultations with a general practitioner. Adjustment for minor
psychiatric morbidity showed that over a quarter of the increase among
the insecurely re-employed and the unemployed is attributable to
increased minor psychiatric morbidity.
Explanations based on psychosocial factors, financial strain, and
negative affectivity
Financial strain was associated with unemployment and explained
9% of the association between unemployment and increased minor
psychiatric morbidity. Most other work has shown that relations between
unemployment and psychological symptoms become weaker or disappear
after adjustment for financial hardship32 and that general
health questionnaire scores are dependent on proportional change in
family income.33 However, Whelan has shown that although lack of household heat, food, and clothing and increased debt have a
large role in mediating the impact of unemployment on minor psychiatric
morbidity, unemployment itself continues to have a substantial
independent effect.34
Explanations based on health related behaviours
None of the studies on workplace closure have reported data on
exercise. Cross sectional studies have found that unemployed people
report levels of physical activity comparable with those for employed
people.
38 39
However, a cross sectional population study
in Sweden found that those unemployed for one year or more had raised
levels of physical activity compared with men who had experienced
little unemployment.40 A study of male construction
workers in Finland found a relative increase in exercise among those
who were unemployed for over 24 months.41 Exercise data
from this study seem to indicate that respondents who were not employed
were spending some of their increased spare time in physical activity.
Indeed, most sports and leisure facilities in the United Kingdom have
special rates for unemployed and retired people. Adjustment for
exercise showed that general practitioner consultations among
unemployed people would have been greater by 11% had this group not
taken up exercise.
Conclusions
All our findings suggest that employment status after
privatisation has a direct effect on minor psychiatric morbidity and
longstanding illness. In addition to this increase in individual morbidity, the loss of secure public sector employment adds to NHS
costs through increased consultations with general practitioners, which
our results show are partly related to the increased minor psychiatric
morbidity associated with privatisation.
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What is already known on this topic
Epidemiological evidence points to greater morbidity and more consultations with a general practitioner among those who remain unemployed after job loss Re-employed people have better mental health than unemployed people Most studies have failed to differentiate between secure employment and insecure re-employment What this study addsInsecure re-employment and unemployment increase minor psychiatric morbidity and the number of consultations with a general practitioner Adjustment for change in minor psychiatric morbidity attenuated the association with general practitioner consultations by over 25% Adjustment for financial strain, change in other psychosocial work characteristics, and health related behaviours accounted for only a small proportion of observed change |
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Acknowledgments |
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We thank all participating civil service departments and their welfare, personnel, and establishment officers; the Occupational Health and Safety Agency; the Council of Civil Service Unions; all participating civil servants in the Whitehall II study; and all members of the Whitehall II study team.
Contributors: JEF organised the data collection at follow up, carried out the analysis, and wrote the original and successive drafts of the paper. PM helped to interpret the data and commented on all drafts of the paper. MJS advised on the analysis and drafts of the paper. MGM designed and directs the Whitehall II study. SAS commented on drafts of the paper. GDS designed the substudy presented in this paper and commented on all drafts of the paper. JEF will act as guarantor for the study.
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Footnotes |
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Funding: Economic and Social Research Council (R000235083). Medical Research Council; British Heart Foundation; Health and Safety Executive; Department of Health; National Heart Lung and Blood Institute (RO1-HL36310), US, NIH; National Institute on Aging (RO1-AG13196), US, NIH; Agency for Health Care Policy Research (RO1-HS06516); and the John D and Catherine T MacArthur Foundation Research Networks on Successful Midlife Development and Socioeconomic Status and Health. PM is also supported by the Academy of Finland (grant 48600) and the Signe and Ane Gyllenberg Foundation. MJS is supported by the British Heart Foundation. MGM is a Medical Research Council research professor. GDS was a Wellcome Fellow in Clinical Epidemiology when baseline data for this study were collected.
Competing interests: None declared.
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(Accepted 16 January 2001)