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Effective contraception for teenagers requires a change in medical culture
Whether you give weight to the philosophy of a
divine human spirit or to the elegant chemistry of evolution, or to
both, there is no argument about humankind's drive to reproduce. The
strength of that drive manifests in many ways: physically, as the
millions of spermatozoa launched with each ejaculation; behaviourally, as the early onset and frequency of sexual activity; institutionally, as the papal preclusions of contraception and abortion; and
professionally, as the trivialisation of sexual medicine and fertility
control. It was no accident that the first drug to be overtly rationed by the NHS was sildenafil (Viagra). Sexual function was dismissed as a
"lifestyle option" rather than an issue of health and wellbeing. But, while sexual intercourse occurs less often, the proportion of
humans who will have sex during their lives approaches the proportion
that will breathe.1
Typically, young women who are adequately nourished are fertile.
Globally, increasing numbers of young women are becoming sexually
active long before they form durable partnerships.2 Access
to contraception is essential but it may not be enough to contain our
relentless drive to reproduce.
In this issue of the BMJ Churchill et al show that before
the end of their teen years most young women in the Trent region of the
NHS in England consulted their general practitioners about contraception (p 486).3 Yet, for these teenagers, seeking
health care related to contraception was predictive of conceiving
within a year. How do we explain this apparently paradoxical finding?
Firstly, it was outside the objectives of Churchill et al's study to
qualify these ultimately unsuccessful medical encounters other than to
determine that the young women who became pregnant had higher scores on
measures of social deprivation, consulted general practitioners more
often, and that they succeeded in making both "reliable" and
"less reliable" contraceptives look decidedly unreliable.3 Some of the young women may have wanted to
get pregnant, so those who opted for a termination were compared with those who did not: the former were found to have even greater deprivation scores and were more likely to have been provided with
condoms or emergency contraception. Although they had free access to
quality health care, could it have been that these sexually active
teenagers were at the limit of their ability to seek contraception? That is, were they uncomfortable during the consultation and did they
want to keep it to a minimum? If this is the case then they may not
have asked enough questions to understand the method that was
prescribed nor sought support over time to address their later misgivings. Nevertheless, it is encouraging to see that most of these
teenagers took at least the first step in seeking fertility control;
doubtless a similar study done a generation ago would have found far
fewer consultations about contraception.
Secondly, adults' attitudes towards teenage sexuality
vary1 and teenagers know this. If they are hoping for a
non-judgmental response to a request for contraceptive advice teenagers
may place trained peers above nurses,4 nurses above
doctors, female doctors above male, and younger doctors above older.
Another recent study by the same group showed that access to younger
doctors and female doctors, and to practice nurses, was associated with
lower rates of teenage pregnancy.5 In Australia, younger
doctors and female doctors But doctors work within their own cultural restraints. Statistics such
as the claim that oral contraceptives are "99.9% effective" are
perhaps not helpful; this figure is derived from findings from more
mature research participants who were in stable
relationships.8 In the real world high rates of
discontinuation make contraceptive efficacy almost a secondary issue.
For teenagers contraceptive choices are complicated by the fact that
sexual intercourse is often sporadic, unexpected, or coerced.
8 9
Suggested solutions to problems of limited
adherence have included providing teenagers with more specific
instructions and ongoing support as well as with back-up strategies to
use if their primary contraceptive method has lapsed or
failed.8 But shouldn't we also be open minded about more
definitive primary strategies?
The intrauterine contraceptive device is the most commonly used
reversible form of contraception in the world. Still smarting from
litigation stemming from the pelvic infections associated with earlier
products inserted through cervixes harbouring undiagnosed infections,
doctors now largely reserve these devices for women who are approaching
the end of their fertile years. But we now know better and have better
tests to help exclude pre-existing cervical infections. There is even a
device that releases levonorgestrel which could possibly even protect
against pelvic inflammatory disease.10
If teenagers could take their fertility control somewhat for granted
during the most precarious stage of their sexual careers then the
ability to negotiate other complex aspects of their sexual wellbeing
could be enhanced. We owe it to them to at least consider the evidence
and have the best options at hand.
Department of Public Health and Community Medicine, University
of Sydney, Sydney Hospital, PO Box 1614, Sydney NSW 2001, Australia
(donovanb{at}sesahs.nsw.gov.au)
particularly those who more frequently
addressed other sexual health issues
were more likely to see younger
patients and to diagnose sexually transmitted diseases more
often.6 Establishing rapport and guiding young people
through the issues around healthy sex is problematic for many doctors.
Better training methods and services that are more focused on clients
need to be evaluated.7
Footnotes
BD has no association with any manufacturers of contraceptive products and does not insert intrauterine contraceptive devices.
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| 2. | Robey B, Rutstein SO, Morris L, Blackburn R. The reproductive revolution: new survey findings. In: Baltimore: John Hopkins University Population Information Program, 1992. (Population Reports 1992; Series M, No 11) |
| 3. |
Churchill D, Allen J, Pringle M, Hippisley-Cox J, Ebdon D, McPherson M, et al.
Consultation patterns and provision of contraception in general practice before teenage pregnancy: case-control study.
BMJ
2000;
321:
486-489 |
| 4. |
Jay MS, DuRant RH, Shoffitt T, Linder CW, Little IF.
Effect of peer counsellors on adolescent compliance in use of oral contraception.
Pediatrics
1984;
73:
126-131 |
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Hippisley-Cox J, Allen J, Pringle M, Ebdon D, McPhearson M, Churchill R, et al.
Association between teenage pregnancy rates and the age and sex of general practitioners: cross sectional survey in Trent 1994-7.
BMJ
2000;
320:
842-845 |
| 6. | Temple-Smith M, Keogh L, Mulvey G. Testing for chlamydia and other sexually transmissible diseases in general practice in Victoria. Venereology 1997; 10: 14-18. |
| 7. |
Stirland A.
Family planning up a gum tree the integration of family planning and genitourinary services in Australia and New Zealand.
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| 8. | International Working Group on Enhancing Compliance and Oral Contraceptive Efficacy. A consensus statement: enhancing patient compliance and oral contraceptive efficacy. Br J Fam Plann 1993; 18: 126-129. |
| 9. |
Wight D, Henderson M, Raab G, Abraham C, Buston K, Scott S, et al.
Extent of regretted sexual intercourse among young teenagers in Scotland: a cross sectional survey.
BMJ
2000;
320:
1243-1244 |
| 10. | Sturridge F, Guillebaud J. A risk-benefit assessment of the levonorgestrel-releasing intrauterine system. Drug Safety 1996; 15: 430-440[Medline]. |
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