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Christine A Barry a Department of General Practice and Primary Care,
Guy's, King's, and St Thomas's School of Medicine, King's
College, London SE11 6SP, b Department of General Practice, University
College, Cork, Republic of Ireland, c School of Pharmacy, University of London,
London WC1N 1AX
Correspondence to: C A Barry, Centre for the Study of Health,
Sickness, and Disablement, Department of Human Sciences, Brunel
University, Uxbridge, Middlesex UB8 3PH christine.barry{at}brunel.ac.uk
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Abstract |
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Objective:
To investigate patients' agendas before
consultation and to assess which aspects of agendas are voiced in the
consultation and the effects of unvoiced agendas on outcomes.
Research into communication in general practice has focused
on either the consultation or interviews with doctors and
patients.1-4 Researching the consultation in isolation
tends to neglect those aspects of communication that remain unspoken.
Conducting interviews in isolation focuses too much on participants'
generalised views at the expense of their specific communication
behaviours in the medical interaction. To determine what is unspoken in
the consultation requires both doctors and patients to be interviewed
outside the consultation and a recording of the interaction to be made.
We examined the absent discourse that emerges when this approach is
taken and its effect on outcomes.
In developing their model of patient centred medicine Levenstein et al
introduced the concept of agendas as the key to understanding patients.5 They found that doctors failed to elicit 54%
of patients' reasons for consulting and 45% of their
worries.6 Campion et al showed that social and emotional
agendas are the most likely issues to be underrepresented in the
consultation.7 The concept of patients' total agendas is
preferable to the narrower and yet more difficult to define concept of
patients' expectations. It includes all the reasons for encounter and
encompasses patients' ideas, concerns, and expectations. Expectations
include specific behaviour that patients would like to occur in the
consultation and more general aspects concerning the relationship and
interaction with the doctor.4
What doctors both believe and do influences the expression of
patients' agendas. Doctors may overestimate the extent to which patients are primarily concerned with medical treatment rather than
with gaining information and support. Unless patients are overtly
distressed doctors may have trouble in recognising those who are
seeking support.8
We describe the first phase of a two part study,
"improving doctor-patient communication about drugs." We aimed to
describe current communication practice among general practitioners
through a qualitative approach (phase 1) and from this to develop and test an educational intervention to improve communication about drugs
(phase 2). We conducted phase 1 in 20 practices in the West Midlands
and south east England. Ethical approval was obtained from 11 local
ethics committees. The methods have been reported in detail
elsewhere.9
Sampling
Design:
Qualitative study.
Setting:
20 general practices in south east England and the West Midlands.
Participants:
35 patients consulting 20 general
practitioners in appointment and emergency surgeries.
Results:
Patients' agendas are complex and
multifarious. Only four of 35 patients voiced all their agendas in
consultation. Agenda items most commonly voiced were symptoms and
requests for diagnoses and prescriptions. The most common unvoiced
agenda items were: worries about possible diagnosis and what the future
holds; patients' ideas about what is wrong; side effects; not wanting a prescription; and information relating to social context. Agenda items that were not raised in the consultation often led to specific problem outcomes (for example, major misunderstandings), unwanted prescriptions, non-use of prescriptions, and non-adherence to treatment. In all of the 14 consultations with problem outcomes at
least one of the problems was related to an unvoiced agenda item.
Conclusion:
Patients have many needs and when these
are not voiced they can not be addressed. Some of the poor outcomes in
the case studies were related to unvoiced agenda items. This suggests
that when patients and their needs are more fully articulated in the
consultation better health care may be effected. Steps should be taken
in both daily clinical practice and research to encourage the voicing
of patients' agendas.
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Introduction
Top
Abstract
Introduction
Participants and methods
Results
Discussion
References
![]()
Participants and methods
Top
Abstract
Introduction
Participants and methods
Results
Discussion
References
To represent a diversity of doctors' sex, practice size,
location (urban, suburban, rural), and fundholding status, we
purposively sampled 20 of 101 (16%) general practitioners who
responded positively to a letter outlining the research.10 The letter was sent to 645 general practitioners in 11 health authorities across the West Midlands and south east England.
Data collection
We interviewed patients with appointments in their home
before attending the doctor, and we interviewed those without
appointments in the surgery before they consulted the doctor. The
interviews were conducted by a psychologist (CAB) and a sociologist
(FAS). To conceal the identity of the study patients from the doctors,
we audiotaped the consultations of all patients attending the selected
surgeries, who were agreeable.
Analysis
All five authors, representing four disciplines (general
practice, pharmacy, psychology, and sociology), were involved in the
analysis.11 CAB and FAS conducted a preliminary analysis
of patient's agendas with NUDIST software. The other three authors
acted as second coders for 10% of patients. Given the volume of data,
a subset of 35 patients was chosen for detailed analysis from the 62 complete cases. These patients were selected to represent all 20 doctors and a range of patient characteristics. The analysis for this
paper was conducted by CAB and second coded by FAS.
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Results |
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Patients' agendas
We have treated as patients' agendas their ideas,
concerns, and expectations according to their response to interview
questions (box 1). Agendas were classed as symptoms, diagnosis
theories, illness fears, wanted and unwanted actions, self treatment,
and emotional and social issues.
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Case studies
A focused patient agenda, mostly unvoiced
Victoria Morton was worried about her three year old
daughter Charlotte's cough, which had not responded to three weeks of
homoeopathic treatment prescribed by her private homoeopath. Dr Parker
diagnosed an ear infection. Despite the commonplace nature of
Charlotte's problem there were nine items on her mother's agenda, of
which only three were voiced in the consultation (box
2).
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A complex patient agenda, mostly voiced
Tony Byron, a 42 year old lorry driver, had stomach
problems and more broad stress related problems and health worries (box
3). Although Tony's agenda was mostly voiced there was one problematic
unvoiced item: he did not want to be prescribed antidepressants.
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Doctors' response to initial data
These detailed agendas produced quite strong reactions in
doctors. For example, during the second feedback session doctor number
19 said:
"I got so depressed when you described this man whose list of expectations went on to about 18 (sic) points . . . There's no way that I am ever going to be able to address even three of these, let alone 18 expectations."At a later academic presentation a non-participant doctor labelled Tony as a "heartsink" patient. These emotional responses suggest two interpretations: a mismatch between patients' actual agendas and doctors' views of them and the possibility that doctors prefer patients with simpler agendas. The doctors in another study reported greater satisfaction with consultations involving simple agendas.14
Agenda items voiced in, or left out of, consultations
Only four of the 35 patients voiced their full agendas.
These items tended to represent biomedical issues, mainly symptoms
(table 1). Only two patients did not have symptoms to report and of
those 33 who did, 24 managed to relay all their symptoms to the doctor.
Eight, however, only managed to impart some of their symptoms and one
did not mention his symptoms at all. Unvoiced agendas tended to
represent psychosocial issues and reflected patient's
autonomy.
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Effects of unvoiced agenda items
It is recognised that the consultation is a dynamic
process and that in theory something important to a patient beforehand
may seem less so as the consultation proceeds. This may explain why
some patients' agendas were unvoiced. Agenda items that were not
raised, however, often seemed to be associated with specific problem
outcomes, such as major misunderstandings.12
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Discussion |
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The pattern of the main voiced and unvoiced agendas reveals
systematic differences between how patients present in consultations with how they present in research interviews. In consultations patients
seem only partially present, with only limited autonomy
that is, to
make requests but not to suggest solutions. Outside consultations patients are more fully present: as socially and contextually situated,
thinking, feeling people, with their own ideas on their medical
condition and opinions and possible criticisms of medical treatments.
Applying Habermas' work on the sociology of communication to the
medical context, Mishler described the two presences as two voices: the
voice of medicine, in which the consultation is conducted, and the
voice of the lifeworlds (reports of contextually grounded experience of
events and problems expressed in everyday language), which is largely
left outside the consultation.16 This suggests that in the
consultation the patient is most commonly construed as a purely
"biomedical" entity
that is, a person with disconnected bodily
symptoms, wanting a label for what is wrong and a prescription to put
it right. Even under this guise the patient still sometimes fails to
report their full biomedical agenda. Not all symptoms were reported
(nine patients) and not all desires for a prescription were voiced (nine).
Lazarus showed that although patients' interactions with their doctors coincided with their versions of the biomedical model, they did not coincide with their expectations of health care and how it should be delivered. Maybe patients are behaving as they believe they are expected to rather than as they would like. 4 17
Some of the poor outcomes in our study were associated with unvoiced agenda items. Patients have many needs and when these needs are not voiced they can not be addressed. When patients and their needs are more fully present in the consultation better healthcare can be conducted. Some of the work in patient centred medicine supports this.6
A more complete view of the patient's agenda was only possible through
a methodology that asked patients to present their full selves. When
research methods are structured closer to the lifeworld
qualitative,
loosely structured, open ended, people centred
a fuller more complex
situated view of people and their agendas is gained. Can lessons for
consultation behaviours be learned from these research methods to
assist both doctors and patients to encourage the patient to be more
fully present?
There are some indications that neither doctors nor patients are open to the presentation of fuller agendas, the doctors perhaps lacking confidence to deal with complex agendas and seeing them as overly time consuming, the patients worried about what is deemed appropriate to communicate and about wasting doctor's time. Yet this partial voicing and facilitating of agendas can produce less effective consultations. Even apparently simple presentations, for example a child's chesty cough, can mask more complex agendas. When left unvoiced these can affect outcomes. Our research suggests that some doctors can facilitate patients to reveal fuller agendas, as shown in the case study of Tony Byron.
Both doctors and patients need to change their behaviour to improve outcomes. We believe that by changing doctors' views and behaviours, patients can also be facilitated to change.
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What is already known on this topic
Most research on patients' agendas has focused either on the consultation or on interviews with either doctors or patients Such studies have shown that doctors fail to elicit all of patients' reasons for attending and that emotional and social agendas are likely to be underrepresented in the consultation Direct comparisons between patients' agendas outside and inside the consultation have rarely been conducted, and previous research has mainly categorised agendas into broad quantitative categories such as "social" What this study addsThe case study approach allows a more detailed look at what patients' agendas comprise, which can relate specific unvoiced agendas to problem outcomes Interviews with patients and doctors and transcripts of consultations showed the complexity of patients' agendas and that more of the agendas are unvoiced than was thought There is a pattern to what is not said and there may be implications for outcomes of consultations in general practice |
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Acknowledgments |
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We thank the Department of Health for funding the research and the participating receptionists, doctors, and patients.
Contributors: NBa, CPB, and NBr initiated and designed the study. CAB and FAS refined the initial design, collected the data, and conducted the coding. All five authors contributed to the initial coding frame. CAB analysed the results and wrote the paper, guided by the comments of the other authors. CAB will act as guarantor for the paper.
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Footnotes |
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Funding: The study on which this paper is based is funded by the Department of Health as part of the prescribing research initiative. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and not the Department of Health. FAS is supported by Sir Siegmund Warburg's voluntary settlement.
Competing interests: None declared.
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References |
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| 17. | Lazarus ES. Theoretical considerations for the study of the doctor-patient relationship: implications of a perinatal study. Med Anthropol Q 1988; 1: 34-58. |
(Accepted 23 February 2000)
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