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Celia A Palmer Conflict and Health Group,
Health Policy Unit, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine,
London WC1E 7HT
Correspondence to: Dr Palmer celia{at}gn.apc.org
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Abstract |
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Objectives:
To identify the need for reproductive
health care among a community affected by conflict, and to ascertain the priority given by the community to reproductive health issues.
Design:
Rapid appraisal. This comprised interviews with key informants, in-depth interviews, and group discussions. Secondary data were collated. Freelisting, ranking, and scenarios were
used to obtain information.
Setting:
Communities affected by conflict in southern Sudan.
Participants:
Interviews and group discussions were
chosen purposively. Twenty interviews with key informants were
undertaken, in-depth interviews were held with 14 women, and 23 group
discussions were held.
Main outcome measures:
Need for reproductive health
care. Perceived priority afforded to reproductive health issues in
comparison with other health problems.
Results:
Reproductive health in general and sexually transmitted diseases in particular were important issues for these communities. Problems in reproductive health were ranked differently depending on the age and sex of the respondents. Perceptions about reproductive health issues in communities varied between service providers, and community leaders. Settled and displaced communities had
different priorities and differing experiences of reproductive health
problems and their treatment.
Conclusion:
Rapid appraisal could be used as the first step to involving communities in assessing needs and planning service provision.
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Key messages
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Introduction |
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Until the late 1980s little attention was paid to the opinions of communities receiving relief aid. Accountability of non-governmental workers, where it existed, was to the organisation with which they worked and to donor agencies. The humanitarian world has become increasingly concerned that the provision of aid has, on occasion, had negative consequences for the intended beneficiaries.1-3 Observations of aid provision reveal serious concerns, such as a lack of account paid to the context of particular situations and a failure to appreciate or use the capacities of the recipient communities.4-6 Steps are now being taken to improve accountability to beneficiaries.7
In addition to these developments there has been a move towards the introduction of reproductive health services in the context of conflicts. The international conference on population and development held in 1994 heralded a shift away from population control towards a more holistic view of women's health.8 At the conference the particular problems for populations affected by conflict were recognised. The document referred to "migrants and displaced persons [who] in many parts of the world have limited access to reproductive healthcare and may face specific serious threats to their reproductive health and rights."8 The United Nations and other agencies began discussions on what services should be provided.9 However, little but anecdotal evidence was available on the reproductive health status of populations affected by conflict.10 In addition there had been almost no systematic gathering of information on how beneficiaries prioritised reproductive health or on the services they wanted, nor was there a recognised method for gathering such information. This study, commissioned by Oxfam, had two aims: to identify the need for reproductive health care among a community affected by conflict in southern Sudan and to ascertain the priority given by the community to reproductive health issues in this context.
Sudan is the largest country in Africa, with an estimated population of
around 25 million. A civil war has been continuing largely between the
peoples of the north and those of the south. Since 1983 an estimated
1.2 million people have been killed, and the number of internally
displaced people has been estimated at 4 million. The area where the
study took place was in the hands of rebels and under constant threat
from aerial bombardments. In this region some people were living in
their own homes
"settled"
but some had been
uprooted
"displaced."
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Methods |
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Selection of methods
In emergencies needs are most often assessed using rapid
assessment procedures.11-13 These do not routinely include contributions from the community. This contrasts with the
techniques of rapid appraisal,14-16 which have been used
in many different contexts, including in the United Kingdom, to assess health needs in primary care.17 The original objectives
were to provide good quality and timely information, and to include local people, producing results that would lead directly to interventions.
Interviews with key informants
Three types of key informants were selected: (a)
administrators, leaders, and other authorities; (b)
community based outreach workers; and (c) members of the
study population. This range of key informants has been recommended for
use in qualitative research.22
In-depth interviews
These interviews were undertaken solely with women as they
were most likely to face problems in reproductive health and their
views were the most difficult to access. The advantages of in-depth
interviews are that respondents can often speak more freely and the
interviewer is able to probe in depth about topics without
interruption. The disadvantages include the possibility that the
answers are lacking in spontaneity. In-depth interviews took place at
the same villages where group discussions were held. The women were
sampled by spinning a pen on the ground at a central point in the
village. The researcher walked in the direction in which the pen
pointed. Women living in consecutive houses in this direction were interviewed.
Group discussions
Group discussions were chosen to generate ideas and provide
information about social views and attitudes. Random sampling of
villages was attempted but abandoned as some villages were considered
inaccessible because of their location or insecurity. Villages were
instead chosen to give a spread across both urban and rural populations
and to include both settled and displaced people. Village leaders were
informed of the study the day before when possible, and volunteers were
then assembled on the day the discussions took place.
Ranking, freelisting, and scenarios
Several techniques were used in the discussions and
interviews. The first of these was freelisting, whereby respondents are
asked to develop lists of illnesses, healthcare resources, or community
priorities.23 Their main advantage is that they give an
idea of the degree of general awareness of a problem.22 Freelisting was used in all interviews and group discussions. The
second technique was matrix ranking, whereby problems or illnesses are
ranked according to several different criteria.24 This
provides information about the priority the community gives to one
problem over another. Common diseases identified by the community were ranked alongside problems in reproductive health inserted into the list
by the researcher. The ranking was undertaken by five displaced and
five settled groups. Each problem was ranked according to
(a) prevalence, (b) impact on the duration of
sickness, (c) impact on mortality, and (d) the
availability of treatment. To include illiterate people each disease
was represented by a drawing on a card, with the name written below in
both English and Arabic. The third technique was the use of scenarios,
whereby hypothetical stories of an event are presented to the group or
individual who are then asked to state what the outcome would be if
that problem occurred in their own community (box). This method is
particularly useful in discussing sensitive issues, as the discussion
is not based on the experience of any person present. It was used in the group discussions and in-depth interviews.
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Examples of scenarios presented in group discussions
Pregnancy outside marriage A young girl finds that she is pregnant. She is not married. What is she most likely to do? What else could she do? What will happen to her? What else could happen? What would be a good outcome for the girl? What would be a bad outcome for the girl? Domestic violence A married woman is being beaten by her husband more and more often. What is the most likely reason why he is beating her? Who will she talk to about her husband? What will she do to try to stop the situation continuing? What would be a good outcome? What would be a bad outcome for the woman? |
Secondary data
Secondary data were obtained from health facilities, non-governmental sources, and local administrators.
Analysis
Interviews with key informants were held in English,
whereas all other discussions and interviews were held using
translators (three in total) and were usually in Arabic. A minority
were held in other local languages. All group discussions were taped in
the field and transcribed later, other interviews were written down in
full at the time. Analysis of discussions and interviews was undertaken
by hand. Lists of topic headings, each with a group of subheadings,
were drawn up after the texts had been transcribed and read through
several times (examples of these headings are: prevalence of
miscarriage; causes of sexually transmitted diseases, etc). The
headings were used to develop a card file. The full transcription was
photocopied several times. All sections of the text were cut and pasted
on to these cards under the relevant headings to amalgamate all
comments on the same topic area, when necessary text was pasted under
two or more headings. Data from secondary sources, interviews, and
observations were then analysed and used to compare results and
triangulate the data.
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Results |
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Within six weeks 20 interviews with key informants, 14 in-depth interviews, and 23 group discussions were undertaken (table 1), either at the two main towns in the area or in nine of the surrounding villages. CAP was present at all except a few group discussions that were run by local leaders or non-governmental workers after a short training period. The group discussions had an average of 11 people, with a minimum of four and a maximum of 23. Groups were made up of people of the same sex and a similar age (with the exception of one mixed sex group). All tribes in the area were represented, and one group discussion was held with soldiers. The key informants included 12 health providers, five local leaders, two representatives from non-governmental organisations (non-health), and one teacher.
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All the results cannot be presented in detail here, but a selection have been chosen that illustrate the four main themes identified: (a) there were clear needs in reproductive health; (b) there was a mismatch between the views of service providers and the community; (c) there was variation in the perception of need according to age, sex, and whether the community was settled or displaced; and (d) the lack of supplies coupled with numerous barriers to accessing services.
Clear needs in reproductive health
The most consistent reproductive health problem identified,
often spontaneously, was that of sexually transmitted diseases.
Perceived prevalence was very high. Of 11 key informants who ranked
diseases in their community in order of prevalence, nine placed
sexually transmitted diseases in the top four. Men and women of all
ages were concerned about sexually transmitted diseases and their sequelae.
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about three quarters of pregnant women. (Key informant; community
leader.)
The reasons given for the large number of miscarriages included
sexually transmitted diseases, other infections, lack of good nutrition, and finally the war itself.
"In 1991 the guns were suffocating, and the sounds of the guns may
lead to a miscarriage. The fear of the Antonov [bomber] and the
running may also lead to back pain and then miscarriage." (Key
informant; community leader.)
Perceptions about the incidence of sexual violence were conflicting.
Some key informants thought that the incidence was falling, but others
disagreed. Few women were prepared to discuss this issue; those that
did stated that the perpetrators of violence were deserters from the
army. One group of internally displaced people had moved their homes
away from the road to avoid contact with these people,
"The other problem women face is deserters. They can do anything and
force you to sleep with them. Sometimes three or four of them one after
the other." (Key informant; outreach worker.)
Although the judicial system was apparently working, women would not
always admit to violent incidents.
"The other thing is this silent rape. Women go to the bush, and they
get raped. They don't say anything." (Key informant; health service
provider.)
During discussion of a scenario about rape those at risk were
identified and so were possible outcomes.
"Younger girls and women collecting water and firewood away from the
house are at risk [of rape] ... She will be happy if the husband
agrees to stay with her. If he refuses, it will make her unhappy and
ashamed to stay in that community." (Group discussion; displaced
men.)
Mismatch between the views of service providers and those of the
community
Some providers of health services stated that abortions
were not taking place, but discussions with local people revealed that
abortion was an issue.
99% of the girls who do this will
die. They pound the batteries, and then they put it in water and
drink." (Group discussion; young settled girls.)
Similarly, some service providers thought that domestic violence was
not occurring.
"Violence against women is not occurring in southern Sudan as women
are treasured." (Key informant; health service provider.)
Group discussions with men and women, as well as in-depth interviews,
showed that this was not always true.
"No stranger has been violent to me, but at home this violence is
normal." (In-depth interview; internally displaced woman.)
Responses to scenarios provided information on the context of the violence.
"The reasons for beating are mismanagement of funds, misconduct, if
the woman refuses to have sex with her husband, improper way of
receiving visitors, infidelity, abuse of her husband, rumour mongering,
and theft .... Some husbands are always drunk and don't provide for
their wife or children ... when the wife asks him he
just starts beating the wife." (Group discussion; displaced men)
Perceptions of the prevalence of problems occurring in labour also
varied. Some service providers thought that "not many women die in
childbirth," or said "I don't think the problems are too bad."
There was a recognition, however, that it was difficult for them to
obtain accurate information.
"I don't think too many women are dying, but if a women dies in the
village she will be buried, and there is no way of knowing." (Key
informant interview; health service provider.)
In group discussions maternal mortality and morbidity were perceived to
be high.
"Yes, yes, yes, we know of many women who die in childbirth. We know
of about nine in the last year." (Group discussion; settled women.)
Secondary data collated from primary care centres suggested maternal
mortality ratios as high as 845 per 100 000 live births.
Differences in perceived need according to age, sex, and degree
of displacement
Different age and sex groups within the communities held
different views. Older men in the settled community were least likely
to think childbirth and miscarriage were common problems, ranking them
last. Young women, however, ranked them third and sixth. Men thought
that the extent of maternal mortality and morbidity was not great among
their community.
Paucity of supplies and numerous barriers to accessing services
Communities complained about a lack of medical supplies.
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Discussion |
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Pottier described the lack of knowledge that providers have
about refugee perspectives as having two main costs
namely, that a
professional service is not carried out to the best of one's ability
and that there is a reduction in refugee confidence in humanitarian
agencies and their workers.26 Currently agencies are
struggling to decide what reproductive health services should be
provided in the context of conflicts, but little attention has been
paid to the views of the communities themselves. The link between
including men and women in assessing the needs of communities and a
resulting increase in the quality of services has previously been
noted.27
Advantages of community participation
In this assessment of need several important potential
benefits resulted from including the community, which have implications
for humanitarian aid in general.
Limitations of study
The study had several limitations. Firstly, information was
being sought specifically on reproductive health, and therefore a bias
may have existed to find positive data about these issues. Secondly,
the study could not be described as truly participatory as local people
did not take part in planning the study, analysing, or presenting the
results. A design effect may have occurred as the women selected for
in-depth interviews were living in close proximity to each other. Only
one researcher participated in analysing the data because of resource
limitations, possibly biasing the results. The time scale of this type
of study is rarely as rapid as the name suggests. The full results in
this case were available about three months after the work was started.
A less rigorous but nevertheless valid overview, however, was quickly obtained during the process of the systematic gathering of information.
Conclusion
Preliminary results were fed back to the communities during
the study. Changes in local implementation as a result of the study
were limited as a result of a diversion of aid into neighbouring parts
of Sudan because of famine. The study did, however, affect the planning
of more recent programmes, which are being extended to provide an
element of reproductive health care. The type and depth of information
obtained through this study suggest that rapid appraisal could be
useful as a first step in including communities in assessing needs and
planning the provision of services. Further research is needed into
barriers that agencies face, in order to ensure that consultation with communities can become a routine part of needs assessment and the
planning of service provision in relief contexts.
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Acknowledgments |
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Contributors: CAP designed the study, obtained funding, collected the data in the field, analysed the data, and wrote the paper. Anthony Zwi contributed advice at the design stage along with other colleagues at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (particularly Jessica Ogden and Louisiana Lush) and members of Oxfam (UK). AZ also made detailed comments on an earlier draft of the paper. Oliver Rooke edited the final version and successive drafts. The local Oxfam team (who cannot be named for security reasons) provided logistical support, translation, and invaluable advice. The community leaders in the area were all supportive and CAP thanks all those who gave up their time to talk to her.
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Footnotes |
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Funding: The work was undertaken while CAP was employed as a senior registrar in public health on the North Thames training scheme. It was funded by the Central Research Fund of London University and Ines Smyth in her capacity as a member of the Global Reproductive Health Policies Group. Oxfam UK provided logistical assistance.
Competing interests: None declared.
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(Accepted 25 August 1999)