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The evidence suggests that conflict prevention can work
Now that the war in Kosovo is over (at least in its
current phase) post war reconstruction costs for the Balkans are
estimated at £12bn to £60bn ($19-96bn). The international
peacekeeping force now in Kosovo will find it difficult to complete its
tasks either quickly or cheaply, and the transition to peace is likely
to be far harder than winning the air war. The US and the European
Union are expecting to incur costs of at least £625m ($1000m) a year for reconstructing Kosovo over the next five years. Thousands have been
killed, most of them civilians, communities have been destroyed, and
the full environmental consequences of the bombing have yet to be
realised. Political leaders, it seems, too often underestimate the
costs of entering a course of action which seeks to resolve conflicts
by violence.1
The Kosovo war is only the latest in a series of conflicts that have
dashed the hopes for a peaceful world that existed for a short time
after the collapse of the Berlin Wall. They were expressed most
positively by United Nations Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali in
1992 when he called for the world community to address the root causes
of conflict through a strategy which depended in part on new
initiatives to prevent violent conflict.
Preventive diplomacy
Conflict prevention, or preventive diplomacy, is the idea that the
international community should be able to prevent violent conflicts
rather than responding once violence has broken out (when a conflict is
much harder to control). Boutros-Ghali defined preventive diplomacy as
"action to prevent disputes from arising between parties, to prevent
existing disputes from escalating into conflicts and to limit the
spread of the latter when they occur."2 It encompasses a
variety of strategies including measures to build confidence; fact
finding missions; early warning mechanisms to detect potential
conflicts; conflict impact assessment systems; measures to promote
democracy and human rights; the preventive deployment of peacekeeping
forces; the establishment of demilitarised zones; and the development
of measures to monitor and restrain the trade in small arms.
However, the aspiration has fallen tragically short of reality and
effective implementation. During the 1990s over four million people
have been killed in violent conflicts and by the late 1990s there were
over 35 million refugees and internally displaced persons around the
world. In Rwanda 500 000-800 000 people were killed in a genocide
which took place under the eyes of the international community over
three months. In addition to the deaths and the trauma of the people,
international relief and reconstruction projects cost the international
community more than $2bn ($3.2bn) between 1994 and 1997.
At the time the UN peacekeeping commander in Rwanda claimed that a
force of 5000 troops operating under an appropriate UN mandate could
have prevented most of the killing and others have since supported that
estimate. The poor performance of peacekeeping in Rwanda (and Somalia
and Bosnia) has led to the development of new doctrine to define the
use of more robust and aggressive forms of peacekeeping. This provides
troops with a war fighting capacity but retains principles of
impartiality and also links military action to long term
peacebuilding.3 In Rwanda, sadly, there was neither a
credible peacekeeping force ready to be deployed nor the will or
capacity in the international community to undertake the risks or costs
of intervention. The adage that prevention is better than cure is not
uniformly applied when it comes to managing armed conflict.
Many governments remain sceptical about acting on early warning
indicators to engage in conflict prevention, seeing it as hazardous,
costly, and possibly ineffective. However, there is evidence that
preventive diplomacy is effective. The first ever preventive deployment
of peacekeeping forces, the UN Preventive Deployment (UNPREDEP) force
in Macedonia, has been a factor in stopping the spilling over of the
Yugoslavia conflict into that country. Other examples include the
management of ethnic tensions in Estonia and in Hungary, the amicable
"divorce" between Czechs and Slovaks, and the democratic transition
to majority rule in South Africa.4
Miall studied 81 international conflicts and major civil disputes
between 1945 and 1985 to identify factors that influenced whether
conflicts were settled peacefully. His findings give some empirically
validated and historical support to the premise of conflict prevention
that early third party intervention is positively correlated with
peaceful resolution. He recommended the need to develop new dispute
settlement regimes which were designed to react to disputes before they
became embittered and violent.5 Similar findings have been
reported by others.
6 7
The main problem is that dispute settlement regimes which would provide
the capacity for conflict prevention are still in their infancy, but
that capacity is developing. Many regional organisations are now
involved in conflict prevention activities. The Organisation for
Security and Cooperation in Europe, for example, has deployed missions
to potential conflict areas in Europe and the former Soviet Union and
established a High Commissioner on National Minorities to prevent
violent interethnic conflict. The Organisation for African Unity
established a mechanism for conflict prevention, management and
resolution in 1993. The European Union has agreed to establish a policy
planning and early warning unit within its emerging common foreign and
security policy, and it supports a conflict prevention network of
academic researchers and policymakers. Non-governmental organisations
such as International Alert based in London and the European Centre for
Conflict Prevention based in Holland have also been involved in
conflict prevention activities, often supporting "grass roots"
peace organisations and conflict resolution processes.
8 9
It is in the further development of these kinds of institutions and
networks that the best prospect for effective conflict prevention lies.
In 1997 the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict likened
the advances made in preventive health care over the past 30 years to
the challenge facing efforts to prevent deadly conflict
today.10 While we do not know enough about all the factors
that trigger the outbreak of mass violence, we do know enough about the
factors that can help prevent mass violence. Such factors include
promoting protection for human rights; economic development and
security sector reform; education in skills and processes that promote
cross cultural understanding; and the integration of peacekeeping
doctrine with strategies designed to promote long term "peacebuilding
from below processes."
Peacebuilding from below
The idea of peacebuilding from below is that sustainable conflict
prevention is best achieved by reinforcing local and indigenous resources and capacities. There is increasing "case law" indicating the potency of this approach, from the Zones of Peace in Colombia to
the work of the Centre for Peace, Non-violence and Human Rights in
Osijek, Croatia, while in Somalia the Life and Peace Institute has
established a capacity building programme to cultivate and support
indigenous peacemaking traditions and processes. Since 1996 the
institute has run a civic education progamme providing training for
teachers, media personnel, police, and community leaders in principles
of reconciliation and peace studies.
In Colombia Unicef has been closely involved with the Children's
Movement for Peace, which mobilised about three million children around
the Children's Mandate for Peace and Rights. As a result peace became
the main issue of the 1998 presidential elections. The Colombian
children's movement is now active in the most violent communities,
laying the foundations for long term peace through a variety of
education projects. This kind of approach is vital if the peacekeeping
force now in Kosovo is to have any chance of success in the long
term.11
Once war has broken out the costs of violence soar. The members
of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development collectively provide about $10bn annually in emergency assistance to
victims of conflict and $59bn on overseas development assistance, much of it to war ravaged areas. The costs of conflict prevention are
likely to be small compared with the costs of deadly
conflict.10 But it is only partly a matter of resources.
Most of all a change in attitude is required where people are willing
to see themselves as belonging to an international community which
has the legitimacy, political will, and resources to take preventive
action in conflict prone areas.
Centre for Conflict Resolution, Department of Peace Studies,
University of Bradford, Bradford BD7 1DP
| 1. | Cairns E. A safer future: reducing the human costs of war. Oxford: Oxfam , 1997. |
| 2. | Boutros-Ghali B. An agenda for peace. New York: United Nations , 1992. |
| 3. | The gentle hand of peacekeeping? British peacekeeping and post cold war conflict. International Peacekeeping (in press). |
| 4. | Lund M. Preventing violent conflict. Washington, DC: United States Institute for Peace , 1996. |
| 5. | Miall H. The peacemakers: peaceful settlement of disputes since 1945. London: Macmillan , 1992. |
| 6. | Hampson F. Nurturing peace: why peace settlements succeed or fail. Washington, DC: United States Institute for Peace , 1996. |
| 7. | Miall H, Ramsbotham O, Woodhouse T. Contemporary conflict resolution. Cambridge: Polity Press , 1999. |
| 8. | Cottey A. The European Union and conflict prevention. London: International Alert and Saferworld , 1998. |
| 9. | Peck C. Sustainable peace: the role of the United Nations and regional organisations in preventing conflict. Lanham, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield , 1998. |
| 10. | European Centre for Conflict Prevention. People building peace. Utrecht: ECCP , 1999. |
| 11. | Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict. Preventing deadly conflict. Washington, DC: Carnegie Corporation , 1997. |
UK medical students have published unreleased government plans to restrict failed asylum seekers' access to medical care