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Kamran Abbasi BMJ, London WC1H 9JR
kabbasi{at}bmj.com
The World Bank estimates that 1.3 billion people live in absolute poverty, which means that about a
quarter of the world's population earns less than $1 a day. With the
world's population projected to almost double over the next century
(from 5.3 billion in 1990 to around 10 billion by 2100, and mostly in
poorer populations) malnutrition, childhood infections, poor maternal
health, and high fertility will remain substantial challenges in real
terms. Overall, however, the pattern of the global disease burden is shifting away from communicable diseases to non-communicable diseases as high fertility and mortality are being replaced by low fertility and
mortality (fig 1). By 2020, the bank estimates that the share of the
global disease burden from non-communicable diseases will be 57% (up
from 36% in 1990), and the contribution from infectious diseases,
pregnancy, and perinatal causes will have fallen to 22% (from 49% in
1990) (fig 2.)1
Despite the magnitude of the healthcare challenge, the bank believes
that affordable solutions are available, but it blames governments and
the private sector for rendering policies ineffective. The bank's
prescription for global health care is the marriage of public and
private sectors, so that neither has too little or too much
involvement. The bank warns that "in low and middle income countries,
weak institutional capacity to deal effectively with regulatory
problems in the private sector often causes governments to become
excessively involved in the direct production of health services,"1 but it remains unclear exactly how
responsibilities should be divided.
The bank explains that the "optimal balance" between public
and private sectors depends on the country and is different for financing and for service delivery. "Strong, direct government intervention is needed in most countries to finance public health activities and essential health, nutrition, and reproductive services, as well as to provide protection against the impoverishing effects of
catastrophic illness," says the bank, which is convinced that succesful reform goes hand in hand with greater government input in
information, regulations, and financing (fig 3). By devolving service
delivery to non-governmental organisations, local communities, and the
private sector, governments can, the bank believes, target their
limited funds at preventive public health services, providing basic
services to the poor, and overseeing medical education, research and
development, and quality control.

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Fig 1.
Known and projected worldwide life
expectancy and fertility rates
Summary points
A quarter of the world's population earns less than $1 a day
The World Bank believes that governments need to find an "optimal
balance" between public and private sectors in the financing and
delivery of health care
The bank's priorities focus on mobilising the female work force,
enhancing the performance of healthcare systems, and ensuring
sustainability of health care
However, it accepts that it needs to sharpen focus through greater
selectivity, more rigorous evaluation of projects, and greater
collaboration with governments and other agencies
Critics argue that the bank's policies do not have the flexibility to
achieve their goals

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Fig 2.
Causes of death among rich and poor,
worldwide
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Waves of reform

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Fig 3.
Government roles in the health,
nutrition, and population sector
The bank advocates three "waves" of state reform. The first wave
focuses on the privatisation of commercial enterprises; the second wave
privatises public infrastructure and utilities; and the third wave
continues with privatisation of state assests and utilises
non-governmental and private management and investment in health,
education, and pensions systems. The bank emphasises that these
measures do not necessarily mean the sale of public assets, but that
they encourage private co-financing and management. Paradoxically, the
argument goes, governments end up having a greater role in the
regulation of healthcare services. Though its health specialists might
be eager to play down the bank's support of the private sector, the
latest annual report is less reserved: "One of the bank's top
priorities is to help stimulate the private sector. That's because the
private sector is the main source of economic growth
of jobs and
higher incomes. The bank encourages the private sector by advocating
stable economic policies, sound government finances, and open, honest,
accountable, and consistent governance, and by offering
guarantees."2
One senior bank economist explained to me: "Policy based lending is
where the bank really has power
I mean brute force. When countries
really have their backs against the wall, they can be pushed into
reforming things at a broad policy level that normally, in the context
of projects, they can't. The health sector can be caught up in this
issue of conditionality."
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Health, nutrition, and population sector |
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The bank sees itself as a "knowledge" bank; a forum for the generation and dissemination of global knowledge. Beyond that, the health, nutrition, and population sector has three main priorities.
(1) To work with countries to improve the health, nutrition, and population outcomes of the world's poor, and to protect the population from the impoverishing effects of illness, malnutrition, and high fertility.
To implement this objective, the bank aims to mobilise the
female workforce by improving educational opportunities, improving childcare facilitites, and challenging society's misconceptions about
gender role. The ultimate aim is to reduce the fertility rate in low
income countries and improve women's health and their earning power.
The "sector-wide" approach is proposed as a way of meeting economic
objectives, and multisectoral policies that affect health, such as
water supply and sanitation, are encouraged. As well as better
coordination between government and other stakeholders, the bank also
sees better internal coordination
between bank networks that are
involved with alleviating poverty
as vital to the achievement of this priority.
(2) To work with countries to enhance the performance of healthcare systems by promoting equitable access and use of population based preventive and curative HNP services that are affordable, effective, well managed, of good quality, and responsive to client needs.
The bank is convinced that policies need to be moulded around existing healthcare systems. The role for government in a low income country where the private sector dominates healthcare provision might be to focus on preventive public health measures, provision of health care to the poor, and tighter regulation of the private sector; but in countries where the public sector dominates, governments should involve non-governmental organisations and the private sector in health service delivery. To achive this priority, the bank believes that it needs to liaise with ministries of finance, privatisation, and planning, as well as the ministry of health.
(3) To work with countries in securing sustainable healthcare financing by mobilising adequate levels of resources, establishing broad based risk pooling mechanisms, and maintaining effective control over public and private expenditure.
Working with ministries of finance and social security, the bank aims
to achieve this priority by ensuring that governments target healthcare
budgets at "effective and quality care that benefits those who need
it most." In low income countries, public resources should be
enhanced by international aid and community based financing. For middle
and higher income countries, taxation is seen as the key to sustaining
health, nutrition, and population programmes.
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Future strategies: sharpening focus |
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The bank's strategy for the first decade of the new millennium is to achieve greater impact through "renewed commitment and focus." The rapid expansion of its involvement in the health sector has blurred focus, the bank argues, blunting its impact and effectiveness. Several policy intitiatives have been proposed, and are being implemented, to rectify this.
Projects usually last five to eight years, but the bank's HNP strategy has a "development timeframe" of 10 to 15 years. As well, bank staff and government officials will have changed several times during that period. The bank hopes to overcome this mismatch by setting, and achieving, medium term objectives for HNP strategies in specific countries, and by improving the rigour and evaluation of projects. What is needed, argues the HNP sector strategy, is "a reversal of recent cutbacks in sectoral analysis, an increase in the budget for HNP research in line with the HNP portfolio size, and a greater allocation of resources to help design and implement innovative projects." The bank, however, is convinced that more effective indicators for health systems need to be developed, after consultation with other agencies and client countries, as the current indicators are too weak.
Selectivity is important
the bank doesn't believe it can do
everything well. By concentrating on the poorest countries, and on
those that are receptive to its policies, the bank will practise greater selectivity in its lending programme. It is also keen to avoid
duplicating services provided by the WHO and to emphasise the
complementary relationship of the two organisations.
Another area that needs addressing is the quality of service offered to
client countries. This can be enhanced by staying abreast of global
developments and best practice in health, and by strengthening the
bank's knowledge base so that it can be a valuable resource for bank
staff and those organisations that the bank works with. Further, the
bank has developed more flexible lending mechanisms
Learning and
Innovation Loans and Adaptable Program Loans were both introduced in 1997
and broader, sector-wide strategies. At the same time, lessons
must be learnt from past and current projects, and the bank hopes that
"projects that clearly fail to meet their development objectives will
be restructured, or cancelled if they fail to improve after a
reasonable time."
Two other key areas are staffing and partnerships. The bank states that
lending to the HNP sector has risen faster than staffing levels over
recent years, and although the recent reorganisation should improve
efficiency, adequate staffing remains a priority. But where should
staff be located? The bank is keen on decentralisation and is sure that
staff should be "closer to clients" rather than ensconced in
Washington. Sometimes senior bank specialists are posted in client
countries and oversee the work of health specialists hired locally,
while a regional hub, such as the one in Budapest, can be the focal
point for neighbouring resident missions.
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Partners in health |
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The World Bank perceives that it has two levels of collaboration
with the WHO
biomedical or technical advice from the WHO to improve
projects at country level, and collaboration globally to improve
worldwide understanding of health issues
and is eager to strengthen
these links and those with clients, stakeholders, and other agencies.
The bank's astuteness in recruiting staff from among its potential
critics
such as the WHO and non-government organisations
both strengthens policies and dampens criticism. WHO staff are now frequently seconded to the bank, and although both sides are eager to
create a symbiotic relationship, this is potentially problematic, especially bearing in mind the bank's openness to private sector involvement in health care and the WHO's traditional aversion to it.
In addition, the WHO's target of Health for All contrasts sharply with
the bank's more pragmatic adoption of disability adjusted life years (DALYs).
The Economist observed: "The WHO is behind the times.... Parts of the organisation seem to be stuck in a 1940s public-sector timewarp. They regard government as automatically good, profit automatically as evil, and intellectual property as theft. That sometimes makes collaboration with the private sector, particularly drug companies, a fraught affair. But the age of medicine as a pure public service is over."3
Moreover, argues the Economist, while the WHO publicly welcomed DALYs, "privately many of its employees were scandalised by the idea of measuring the success or failure of a health policy by its economic consequences rather than by the ideologically pure goal of health for health's sake."
Richard Skolnik, the bank's sector leader for south Asia, explains how he sees collaboration with the WHO: "There is a big interface, and it builds on a comparative advantage that we have. We are generally competent across a wide range of macroeconomic and technical matters but we are not specifically competent to deal with the highest level of technical inputs, but we have a lot of money. WHO has high levels of technical competence, generally in a narrow health framework, without much money. This sounds to me like a very good complementary situation."
Charged with revitalising the WHO, Dr Gro Harlem Bruntland, who was elected director-general a year ago, cautiously strikes a similar chord: "We need to mobilise big partners like the World Bank.... Overall I think that cooperation with the World Bank will increase. The WHO can be actively involved, providing professional health backing to their work, if we feel confident there is mutual respect."4 Over the past year the WHO and the World Bank have announced major initiatives on malaria, tobacco, and tuberculosis.
In 1998 the World Bank, the World Health Organisation, Unicef, and the United Nations Development Programme launched a campaign to "roll back malaria." Each year there are 300-500 million acute cases of malaria; the four organisations aim to redirect strategy to implement a wide range of measures, such as the use of bed nets, computerised mapping of malaria cases, and development of new vaccines. In addition, the organisations aim to strengthen the health services provided to affected populations. Similarly, a new collaboration, the Stop TB Initiative, seeks to increase the coverage of the direct observation treatment, short course (DOTS), as only 16% of patients with tuberculosis worldwide receive treatment.
The bank's ability to recruit leading health professionals and policymakers from governmental and non-governmental organisations, as well as economists, gives it an unsurmountable advantage over other agencies. In the past, some of the leading critics of bank policies have been non-government organisations, and even though they still watch the bank warily, criticism is harder to elicit. This is partly explained by the bank's improved public relations and ostensibly more acceptable health policies. A more cynical explanation might be that the bank's growing tendency to recruit workers from non-government organisations, and others, dampens criticism from these quarters.
"There are certainly more economists per square yard here than I've ever encountered," says Maureen Law, former deputy minister of health and welfare in Canada and now a World Bank employee. "They were looking for people like me who were not economists and were from outside the bank, because of the expertise that we have and the commitment that we have to the health sector."
For the bank's partners in low income countries, implementing policies
and projects is often difficult. Stephen Rudgard, director of
development projects for CABI (formerly the Commonwealth Agricultural Bureau), an intergovernmental non-profit organisation, explains: "At
the operational end, individual bank projects are formulated and
executed by national implementing agencies in consultation with the
bank's task managers. This interchange greatly influences the nature
of any potential "knowledge" component, and so projects vary widely
in the extent of their focus on this area. The result is that large
loan commitments to development of infrastructure often pay out
millions of dollars for buildings, equipment, and information
technology, but relatively trivial sums are allocated to acquisition or
generation of content. It is down to a few individuals to determine the
extent of this part of the agenda, and the bank's stated policies are
interpreted differently by individuals."
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Conclusion |
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In the first decade of the 21st century, the World Bank sees
itself enhancing its role in improving human development by influencing the global health policy debate and strengthening partnerships. The
bank has a prescription for health systems that it claims is adaptable,
but critics argue that its policies vary little from country to country
and are driven by economic outcomes. Decentralisation, partnerships,
achieving sustainability, and better evaluations are key factors in the
bank's attempt to sharpen its focus; initiatives that have largely
been welcomed. The bank seems to be winning over some of its natural
critics, but others remain unconvinced of the efficacy of its policies.
The next article discusses bank policies that have attracted heavy
criticism over the past decade.
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References |
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What can you learn from this BMJ paper? Read Leanne Tite's Paper+