Jump to: Page Content, Site Navigation, Site Search,
You are seeing this message because your web browser does not support basic web standards. Find out more about why this message is appearing and what you can do to make your experience on this site better.
Peter C Smith Centre for Health Economics,
University of York, York YO10 5DD
pcs1{at}york.ac.uk
The centre of the new arrangements for the NHS is the
establishment of primary care groups.1 Budgetary control
will be a central concern of these new groups, and the principal
instrument for securing that control will be the setting of an
indicative budget for each general practice within a primary care
group. Although this measure may go some way towards securing the
required control, I believe that setting practice level budgets carries potentially serious adverse consequences. This article sets out the
problems that health authorities and primary care group management will
have to be alert to.
Primary care groups will be based on all the practices
within a geographically defined area covering a population of about 100 000. The groups will receive annual budgets, within which they
will be expected to meet virtually all the health care needs of their
population. The size of the budget will be determined by the health
authority in which the primary care group lies and will be guided by a
long term expenditure target set by the NHS Executive.2
Primary care groups are unusual managerial creations. Membership is
compulsory, and the constituent practices of a primary care group will
be jointly responsible for adherence to its budget. Yet it is not clear
how individual general practices will be held to account for their
expenditure. The white paper envisages four levels of primary care
group, ranging from a mainly advisory role (level
1) to a freestanding body responsible for commissioning and providing
care (level 4).1 This implies progressively increasing freedom of action and responsibility for the budget.
Whatever level of responsibility a primary care group is operating at,
securing budgetary control will be a high priority. However, the number
of managerial devices available to secure such control is limited. One
possibility is to adopt clinical guidelines in order to reduce
variations in referral practice. However, the main instrument for
securing control will probably be setting budgets for individual practices.
The NHS has used practice budgets before. The fundholding
initiative gave participating practices budgets for purchasing certain elective procedures and prescriptions.3-8 However, the
scheme covered only about 15% of hospital and community health service expenditure and the budgets (at least in the early years) were relatively generous.9 Participation was voluntary, and
health authorities assumed responsibility for making good most of any "overspend" by fundholders.7 Thus, fundholding did not
by most criteria constitute a demanding budgeting system, although
there is some evidence that it helped contain prescribing
costs.
10 11
Standard fundholding will be dismantled under
the new arrangements.
In addition to fundholding, since 1991 all practices have been set
indicative prescribing budgets under the Indicative Prescribing Scheme.
This scheme has had little effect on prescribing practice, probably
because of a lack of any associated incentives.
10 11
The total purchasing pilots more closely resemble the arrangements
envisaged within primary care groups. In this experiment almost all
health care expenditure was devolved from a health authority to the
total purchasing site, which typically entailed about three practices.
The most serious difficulties emerging from evaluation of the scheme
have been the associated increase in managerial costs and the
difficulty of identifying a "fair" budget.12
A satisfactory budgetary formula for individual practices
should offer an unbiased estimate of the expected level of expenditure within each practice if it were to respond to the needs of its patients
in a standard fashion. Yet, even if the technical difficulties of
developing such a formula can be overcome, expenditure is likely to
vary considerably from that predicted by any
formula.
13 14
Variation in practice expenditure can be
divided into five types (box).
Summary points
Primary care groups about to be established in the "new NHS"
will need to maintain budgetary control at the same time as securing
health improvements and commissioning and providing services
An important mechanism for securing budgetary control is likely to be
setting "indicative" health care budgets for individual
general practices
However good the formula for setting such budgets, actual expenditure
will diverge substantially from budget in many practices
Much of this divergence will be beyond the control of general
practitioners
A system of budgets for general practices could also result in
loss of fairness between patients and disillusionment among general
practitioners
Any budgetary system should be implemented with great caution, and, at
least initially, the associated rewards and penalties for general
practices should be modest
![]()
Primary care groups
Top
Primary care groups
Experience with practice...
Model of expenditure variation
Policy implications
Discussion
References
![]()
Experience with practice budgets in the NHS
Top
Primary care groups
Experience with practice...
Model of expenditure variation
Policy implications
Discussion
References
![]()
Model of expenditure variation
Top
Primary care groups
Experience with practice...
Model of expenditure variation
Policy implications
Discussion
References
Sources of variation in practice expenditure
namely, age,
sex, and area of residence. Clearly age will be a fundamental component
of any model of use. For example, in the acute sector old people
use about 10 times more health resources than adolescents. Moreover,
the York acute sector needs index varies from 61.0% of the national
average per capita (part of Welwyn) to 150.3% (part of Newcastle upon
Tyne), confirming the need also to adjust for area-wide social
factors.15
| |
Policy implications |
|---|
|
|
|---|
If significant sanctions or rewards were to be attached to variations in expenditure from budgets, general practices can be predicted to respond in various ways.19-28 They can be summarised as follows.29
Firstly, practices that perceive that their expenditure will fall below their budget may "spend up" in order to protect their budgetary position in future years. Secondly, practices that perceive that their expenditure will exceed their budget may be thrown into crisis. Thirdly, patients may be treated inequitably. Different practices will be under different budgetary pressures and so may adopt different treatment practices. Moreover, choice of treatment within a practice may vary over the course of a year if the practice's perception of its budgetary position changes. 30 31 Fourthly, practices may adopt a variety of defensive strategies, such as cream skimming patients they perceive to be healthier than implied by their capitation32 and, in the extreme, even insuring with a third party against overspending their budget. More generally, if the complex and subtle influences on variation are not properly recognised, practices may become alienated from the budgetary system, jeopardising budgetary control throughout the NHS and threatening the viability of the latest NHS reforms.
Nevertheless, I would not argue that primary care groups should refrain from setting practice budgets. Rather, they should use them with great caution and ensure that the budgets reflect legitimate variations in health care needs. Various risk management strategies might be adopted to lessen some of the adverse consequences outlined above.
Pooling practices
Budgets become less susceptible to
random per capita variations as the population to which they refer
increases. This suggests allocating a joint budget to voluntary
associations of practices that wish to collaborate. However, evidence
from the total purchasing pilots suggested that budgetary control was more difficult in multipractice sites than single practice
sites,12 highlighting an important tension that exists
between the goal of securing an accurate budget (which would favour
large organisational units) and the goal of minimising managerial costs
(which favours small organisational units).
Random fluctuations become less
important as the time associated with a budget increases. Practice
budgets will be more meaningful if they refer to a period longer than a year.
Excluding predictably expensive patients
A few patients
with serious conditions may account for a large proportion of the
unpredictable variation in a practice's expenditure. For conditions
that are readily verified there may be an argument for transferring
budgetary responsibility to the primary care group.
Excluding certain treatments
In the same way, certain
treatments, such as those relating to severe mental illness, although
rare, may have important implications for budgetary control. Simulation studies suggest that rare, costly procedures should not induce excessive financial risk for reasonably large practices.33
However, they were a major preoccupation in total purchasing pilot
sites,34 and consideration might therefore be given to
transferring the whole or part of the costs of such treatments to a
higher level authority.
Retention of a contingency fund
At the end of the
budgetary period there must be an implicit transfer of expenditure from
underspending practices to overspending practices. Better financial
control may be secured by "top slicing" a certain amount from all
budgets at the start of the period in order to create a contingency
fund. This means that all practice budgets will appear relatively tight at the start of the period.
Careful analysis of variations from budgets
Before
any action can be taken the primary care group must carefully examine
the causes of variations from practice budgets. Such variations may
arise from several sources, each of which has different policy
implications. Defects in the capitation formula are a managerial issue.
Variations in clinical practice might be addressed by increased use of
peer review and clinical guidelines. Variations in contract prices
might require discussions with providers or development of referral
guidelines. Random variations in illness are by their nature largely
resistant to policy intervention. Investigation of the causes of
variations in expenditure may increase management costs, but it is
difficult to see how a budgeting system can be made to function without putting in place the associated audit systems.
| |
Discussion |
|---|
|
|
|---|
Evidence from the business sector indicates that budget supervisors should investigate and act on variations from budgets intelligently and flexibly. This principle is likely to be of paramount concern as NHS budgets are devolved down towards practices. Furthermore, it is important to ensure that any sanctions (or rewards) attached to the budgetary system are commensurate with the degree of control exercised by the practice over expenditure. General practitioners' own actions are likely to have only a limited role in securing compliance, and therefore sanctions and rewards should be relatively modest. In particular, it would be unreasonable to allow practices to retain budget surpluses unless it was clearly understood that future deficits were to be made good from the retained balances. This also implies that overspending practices should be allowed to take forward deficits.
In practice it is difficult to imagine circumstances in which implementation of such a "hard" budgetary system is desirable. The limitations of any budgetary formula are likely to mean that there will be some persistent variation from fair budgets, even after variations in clinical practice have been accounted for. It is almost certainly the case, therefore, that any system of general practice budgets should be predominantly indicative and advisory, at least initially.
|
| |
Acknowledgments |
|---|
This paper has been presented in several forums, and I am grateful for all the feedback received, in particular from Mark Groom at the NHS Executive and an anonymous referee.
Funding: I am funded in part by the Department of Health under its health economics programme at the Centre for Health Economics.
Competing interests: None declared.
| |
References |
|---|
|
|
|---|
(Accepted 12 November 1998)