Jump to: Page Content, Site Navigation, Site Search,
You are seeing this message because your web browser does not support basic web standards. Find out more about why this message is appearing and what you can do to make your experience on this site better.
John Launer Child and
Family Department, Tavistock Clinic, London NW3 5BA
johnlauner{at}aol.com
There is a tension between the complex narrative that a
patient brings into the consulting room and a doctor's understanding of what is really going on as formulated in a diagnosis or an idea
about pathology. Which is a "truer" account of reality: the patient's or the doctor's? Can both be true? If so,
how?
These questions are particularly relevant in mental health care
for a number of reasons. Firstly, sociology and ethnography have
identified psychiatry alone among the medical specialties as peculiarly
culture bound.
1 2
Secondly, psychiatry lies in an
uncomfortable no man's land between conventional medical science and
the search for meaning which may extend into political and religious
domains.3 Thirdly, mental health professionals often use
confusing and contradictory language to describe their observations.
When compared with the babel of explanatory models which often seem to
disqualify each other or which may simply be a way of asserting the
therapist's power, the patient's own story may gain in authority and
seem saner than the professional's version.4 Finally,
psychiatry is the only area of specialist medicine in which talking and
listening are explicitly understood to be therapeutic.5
In a book on the use of narrative in family therapy, Papadopoulos
and Byng-Hall point out an important change in the understanding of
what the "talking cure" actually involves6: clinicians
from many different therapeutic schools are moving away from the search for a normative explanation of someone's problems and towards the
search for an appropriate new story for each patient. This change has
its origins in modern and "postmodern" intellectual movements,
including cybernetics7 and structuralism.8
For example, the influential American therapists Anderson and
Goolishian argue for the need to abandon paradigmatic models that test
the patient's experience against some predetermined view of
normality.9 They propose using an approach that
acknowledges the client as an expert and which can facilitate any
possible account of reality, provided that it makes sense in the
client's eyes. Similarly, Burck refers to selfhood as something to be
produced rather than discovered.10 What all these ideas
have in common is that the conversation between clinician and client
can no longer be regarded as a tool for seeking out hidden truths.
Instead, it should be seen as a means of creating previously
unformulated truths.
Is there any place in this anarchic, postmodern universe for facts or
professional expertise? Are we not in danger of alienating our
psychiatric patients, who surely come to us looking for certainties rather than deconstructions? Many mental health professionals share the
dilemma which has been exposed as being at the heart of our
work: how do we hold on to our theories and beliefs while allowing the
patient's story its full opportunity to evolve, even if it does so in
directions we might neither expect nor
wish?
11 12
I am mainly a general practitioner but I have a special interest
in opportunities for mental health work in general practice and
teaching.
13 14
In my clinical work I am aware of
narrative in three of its aspects:
I will address this last aspect in discussing the cases that
follow. These cases were selected somewhat at random: they are the
stories of the first three patients booked to see me in one particular
morning surgery. I have altered biographical details to conceal identities.
The first patient was Helen (box). I have intentionally described her
case in the manner of a doctor telling the story to colleagues, not as
one might present a psychiatric case history in a journal. So it is
already in a narrative rather than a paradigmatic form. It ranges
longitudinally over a period of years rather than just giving a
snapshot of one moment. It involves not just the patient but also the
social system that surrounds her: her family and state agencies. It
moves indiscriminately between the domain of the mind and that of the
body. I am present in the story as an agent. This is my narrative of
Helen's narrative; she might tell it differently. It is the stuff of
general practice but it is framed predominantly in biographical rather
than pathological terms.18
Helen is in her mid-70s. She sees me every month for her high
blood pressure. However, we usually deal with the blood pressure
quickly because we have other important things to talk about. Helen was
widowed about 10 years ago and immediately offered to share her home
with an elder sister. Tragically, the elder sister began to develop
Alzheimer's disease.
In the years that followed, Helen was torn between her sense of
responsibility and an awareness that her sister's needs could break
her own health. She battled to keep the situation afloat, and sometimes
we fought together for resources against an inadequate welfare system.
Eventually, two years ago, Helen's sister went into a nursing home;
recently, she died. She had become mute, doubly incontinent, and unable
to recognise anyone, although Helen always visited her daily.
You will understand that our consultations are not spent just measuring
blood pressure. We talk about Helen's grief and also her relief. She
still has some unresolved guilt about putting her sister in a home; who
wouldn't? In addition she has a terrible sense of waste: why did her
sister have to end her life in this apparently meaningless way? Why has
Helen had to spend her own widowhood toiling away desperately so that
she now faces her own old age exhausted and quite depressed?
One question I have to struggle with is this: is Helen
"suffering from depression?" How do I hold up the predetermined,
quasiscientific template of psychiatric diagnosis against my personal
reading of Helen's story? General practitioners, like all clinicians, are under pressure to make a diagnosis One solution to this challenge is to see my work not just as listening
to Helen, nor just as formulating diagnoses, but to see it as asking
questions which explore a better story: the story of Helen not as a
person in decline who has failed and thus become a psychiatric case but
of a conscientious sister who did her best when faced with a terrible
dilemma. This type of exploration does not preclude offering Helen the
diagnosis of reactive depression or even suggesting treatment with
antidepressant drugs. However, if I do these things I want to do them
collaboratively, trying to find out if such suggestions fit Helen's
view of her story even when she expressly concedes authority to
me.20
Seeing Rustem (box) makes me wonder, half ironically, if his
mental health problem is "serious." On the one hand, I might say
that it is not terribly serious because there is no obvious psychosis
nor are there even any biological features of depression. On the other
hand, Rustem may be a worrying candidate for suicide given his age, his
impending divorce, his unemployment, his history of violence, and his
drug habit. So how are we to judge the seriousness of the stories we
hear and take part in?
Rustem is Iranian, in his 50s, and recently out of prison where
he served five years for grievous bodily harm. While he was in prison
his wife started divorce proceedings. In spite of this, they are
currently living together since he has nowhere else to go. I look after
all the family so I was involved when Rustem's mother died from cancer
four years ago, and I had to arrange for him to have compassionate
leave from prison so he could visit her on her deathbed. He visited her
in handcuffs.
I have also seen a lot of Rustem's wife and sons. They have talked
about the shame and the economic consequences of having a husband and a
father who is a convicted criminal. Incidentally, Rustem's wife is a
seamstress and each Christmas she makes and brings me a pair of
trousers.
Rustem came out of prison addicted to heroin. I see him fortnightly to
prescribe methadone. However, Rustem also has major medical problems,
including quite severe rheumatoid arthritis, and I am trying to sort
these out too. It is hard because Rustem has difficulty with English,
and I cannot manage to clarify one problem before he moves onto the
next. I speak no Farsi. In spite of my sympathy for his wife, I believe
that he has been deeply traumatised by his stay in prison and is
depressed. I do not know how he will deal with the divorce and his
probable eviction from the family home.
Summary points
The success of "talking cures" depends on their ability to
give coherence to the client's experience of physical or mental
illness and to enable the construction of a narrative of healing or
coping
The narrative approach to mental health is concerned with the question
of how a patient and clinician working together can construct a story
that makes sense
In general practice doctors may make useful contributions to patients'
stories although these contributions should not be seen as a superior
"truth"
![]()
The narrative approach in mental health
![]()
Using narrative in general practice
Helen's story
![]()
Narrative and diagnosis
under pressure from our training, from managers, from the journals that bombard us with information, and from institutions like the royal colleges which exhort
us to "defeat depression." Yet a diagnosis is actually no more than
a linguistic construct. It is often designed for the needs of one
profession but it may serve others' needs inadequately or not at
all.19 Used thoughtfully, a diagnosis can be a convention that helps the doctor to help the patient. Used without thought, it can
become a tool for fending off a doctor's anxiety. It may also distract
attention from parts of the patient's story that might create
cognitive dissonance for the doctor.
![]()
Narrative and serious mental illness
Rustem's story
Seen in terms of the complex, poignant narratives in which many doctors
participate daily, it is easy to be sceptical about the way the mental
health community divides its workload into those clients with
"serious pathology" and those classed as the "worried well."
This trivialises much of our work. Also, these classifications may
become self fulfilling prophecies. If clinicians compartmentalise their
clients' narratives so that the categories of psychotic and violent
are cut off from their familial and social contexts, clinicians run the
risk of amplifying exactly the problems they are trying to solve. For
example, once someone is labelled as having schizophrenia we may stop
trying to have normal conversations with them about their lives, and
thus may contribute further to a process of marginalisation.
| |
Narrative and medical interventions |
|---|
My main difficulty with Sheryl's story (box) concerns the idea of finding treatment or solutions. All general practitioners and all mental health workers are under enormous pressure to deliver cures, preferably at great speed. Yet my own understanding of Sheryl's story is that it does not invite quick solutions. It has evolved out of a matrix of genetic, familial, and social influences, together with moral choices and fate. Her mother believes that there is an instant cure just around the corner. I believe that my long term role will probably be as a constant figure among a shifting community of professional carers, able to tolerate this family's cycle of unrealistic hopes and subsequent disappointments. Whose narrative is "right," mine or Sheryl's mother's?
|
Sheryl's story
I was originally asked to see 3 year old Sheryl and her mother by one of our health visitors. The mother is sometimes a lone parent, sometimes not. Her relationship with Sheryl's father is a violent one. Sheryl has major behavioural problems: she hits her mother and also the other children in her school. She shouts and screams and bites. Both Sheryl and her mother have had some involvement with social services and the local child guidance clinic but nothing has helped. They fail to engage with the help that is offered, or sometimes it seems to work for a brief time and then they disengage. After each intervention the mother returns to my surgery with Sheryl to ask if there is any other approach she can try. A year ago I arranged for a placement at the local family centre, where I hoped they would be able to do some structured family work. However, Sheryl's mother had to work during the day so this too failed as an intervention. Recently, against the wishes of all the agencies involved, Sheryl's mother requested a referral to an expert on attention deficit hyperactivity disorder in the hope that Sheryl's problems could be solved by drug treatment. |
One way to respond to this question is by refusing to be wedded to
either person's narrative
either the narrative created by her
mother's impulsive optimism or that created by my own rather fatalistic view. I am prepared to make referrals to a specialist in
attention deficit hyperactivity disorder as requested by Sheryl's mother, even when it goes against my own beliefs or instincts. At the
same time, I have to allow myself to realise that there may well be
social, economic, and other forces that make any hope for a different
story rather fanciful. Others, including the specialist in
hyperactivity disorder, may disagree.
| |
Conclusions |
|---|
These cases highlight the difficulties posed by attempts to reframe mental health issues as stories. The story telling approach may collide rather violently with concepts imported from positivist, "objective" viewpoints. Narratives are not necessarily about categorisation; they may be about a lack of boundaries. Clinicians who stand at the intersection between the world of stories and the world of categorisation, between the role of interpreter and the World Health Organisation's ICD-10 (international classification of diseases, 10th revision), may well feel that they are in an impossible position.
One possible route away from this dilemma may be offered by social
constructionism.21 According to pure social
constructionism, all types of knowledge
including professional
knowledge
can be seen as stories that are negotiated among
ourselves as agreed versions of reality, often as a means of exerting
power. However, a less fundamentalist version of constructionism
accepts that some stories may approximate to testable scientific
reality, although they can never quite reach it. What characterises
this view, therefore, is not a rejection of medical activity in the
name of interpretive purity but an acceptance of the partnership
between patient and doctor in exploring, creating, and testing the
efficacy of new stories.
Seen in this light, the medical consultation becomes an
opportunity for dialogue between different stories: the patient's biographical one and the doctor's professional one. The doctor's contributions may come in different forms, including interpretations about the family origins of a problem or a conventional biomedical story (for example, an account of the genetics and biochemistry of
schizophrenia). Indeed, if mind and body are seen as interactive, then all medical interventions
even psychopharmacology
can be seen as an agreed intervention into patients' "storying" of
themselves. The doctor's contribution to the story is valuable not as
a truth which has prior and superior validity to the patient's truth
but only if the patient finds the doctor's contributions to the plot useful.
| |
Acknowledgments |
|---|
Series editor: Trisha Greenhalgh
| |
References |
|---|
Read all Rapid Responses
What can you learn from this BMJ paper? Read Leanne Tite's Paper+