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Annmarie Ruston Centre
for Health Services Studies, George Allen Wing, University of Kent at
Canterbury, Canterbury CT2 7NF
Correspondence to: Dr Ruston a.ruston{at}ukc.ac.uk
Abstract Objectives: To explore the circumstances and
factors that explain variations in response to a cardiac event and
to identify potentially modifiable factors.
Introduction A critical factor in preventing premature death or
disability from a heart attack is ensuring that patients receive
effective treatment to reduce damage to the heart muscle. Thrombolysis
can reduce the size of the clot and hence the amount of muscle damage, but it must be given early for maximal benefit.
1 2
Thus
patients or their associates need to recognise the symptoms and call
for appropriate help immediately. We sought to explain variation in response to a cardiac event and to identify modifiable factors.
Subjects and methods The study was conducted in two district general hospitals
with coronary care units in one health authority. The subjects of the
study were all admitted patients who had survived a cardiac event,
which for this study was defined as a suspected or confirmed acute
myocardial infarction. One patient who was too ill to be interviewed on
the fifth day after the event was excluded. An integral part of the
research design was interviewing, whenever possible, anyone else
present at the time of the cardiac event. Subjects were recruited over
five separate weeks in summer and winter months to ensure the required
diversity of experience of a cardiac event and access to medical
services. The original study design was intended to include associates
of patients who died before arrival at hospital, but we could not
obtain full ethical clearance for this.
Before the main study a pilot study was undertaken in one of the
hospitals. During one week eight patients surviving a cardiac event and
their associates (four relatives) were interviewed. They were not
included in the main study.
Forty three patients were identified from coronary care units, accident
and emergency departments, and medical and surgical wards, to ensure
total coverage. Twenty one relatives and bystanders were also
recruited.
Interviews
Data analysis
Design: Qualitative analysis of semistructured, face
to face interviews with patients admitted to two district hospitals for
a cardiac event and with other people present at the time of the event.
Patients were divided into three groups according to the length of
delay between onset of symptoms and calling for medical help.
Subjects: 43 patients and 21 other people present at
the time of the cardiac event. Patients were divided into three groups
according to the length of time between onset of symptoms and seeking
medical help: non-delayers (<4 h; n=21), delayers (4-12 h; n=12),
and extended delayers (>12 h; n=10).
Main outcome measures: Decision making process,
strategies for dealing with symptoms, and perception of risk and of heart attacks before the event according to delay in seeking help.
Results: The illness and help seeking behaviour of
informants had several components, including warning, interpretation, preliminary action, re-evaluation, and final action stages. The length
of each stage was variable and depended on the extent to which
informants mobilised and integrated resources into a strategy to bring
their symptoms under control. There were obvious differences in
informants' knowledge of the symptoms that they associated with a
heart attack before the event. Non-delayers described a wider range of
symptoms before their heart attack and twice as many (13) considered
themselves to be potentially at risk of a heart attack compared with
the other two groups. For most informants the heart attack differed
considerably from their concept of a heart attack.
Conclusion: The most critical factor influencing the
time between onset of symptoms and calling for professional medical help is that patients and others recognise their symptoms as cardiac in
origin. This study suggests that various points of intervention in the
decision making process could assist symptom recognition and therefore
faster access to effective treatment.
Key messages
Patients were approached three to four days after admission
to hospital and interviewed on the fifth day. The interviews lasted between 45 and 60 minutes. Patients were interviewed alone in the
morning, and the other people were interviewed in the afternoon of the
same day before they visited the patient. The emphasis in the
interviews was on enabling the informants to give spontaneous accounts
of their decision making at the time of the cardiac event. However,
after thorough piloting we decided to add some direct questions about
informants' beliefs and knowledge of cardiac events. The themes
explored in the interviews covered what experiences and actions led up
to the cardiac event; when informants thought that the cardiac event
had begun, what they thought the problem was and why it had occurred;
whom they talked to and the effect of this interaction; when the
decision to call for medical help was made and by whom; and who was
called. The more direct areas of questioning were informants'
conception of risk factors; which groups of people they associated with
heart attacks; their knowledge of symptoms before the event; their
concept of a heart attack; their knowledge of thrombolytic treatment;
their family history; and personal details, including risk factors.
The interviews were tape recorded and transcribed verbatim.
Before analysis informants were divided into three groups according to
the length of time between the onset of symptoms and seeking medical
help. The delays were less than 4 hours (non-delayers), between 4 and
12 hours (delayers), and more than 12 hours (extended delayers). The
division was prompted by current evidence, which suggests that the
earlier thrombolytic treatment is given the greater the reduction in
deaths1 and that for patients presenting after 12 hours
benefit is limited.2 Of the patients interviewed, 21 were non-delayers, 12 delayers, and 10 extended delayers. The division of informants into these groups provided a basis for illustrating the differences between those who seek help quickly and
those who do not.
Results
Forty patients were diagnosed as having a confirmed acute myocardial infarction, and 9 of them had had a previous infarction (5 were non-delayers (24%), 2 delayers (17%), and 2 extended delayers (20%)) (table 1). Three quarters of the non-delayers were men (16/21) compared with 58% (7/12) of the delayers and 50% (5/10) of the extended delayers. A greater proportion of non-delayers were under 65 years of age compared with the other two groups (67% (14/21) v 58% (7/12) and 40% (4/10) respectively). A greater proportion of non-delayers also had manual occupations (62% (13/21) v 58% (7/12) and 50% (5/10) respectively).
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Decision making process
The illness and help seeking behaviour of informants had
several stages, including warning, interpretation, preliminary action, re-evaluation, and final action. The length of each stage was variable
and depended on the extent to which informants mobilised and integrated
resources into a strategy to bring their symptoms under control. The
time between onset of symptoms and calling for medical help was
directly affected by the number and quality of the resources used in
the individual strategy.
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Strategies for dealing with symptoms
Although most informants assigned an inappropriate
diagnostic label to their symptoms at this stage, the strategy adopted for dealing with the symptoms delineated the three groups.
Non-delayers
The non-delayers generally entered a period of isolation
and self evaluation, they did not consult with others, and only a few
took any form of drug treatment. Most engaged in some form of
diversion
for example, drinking cups of tea or moving about
while they evaluated the situation (box). In doing this, their symptoms were
not masked and therefore escalated to a point where re-evaluation revealed the serious nature of the event. Non-delayers used their experience, medical knowledge, and intuition to reinterpret their symptoms (box).
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Non-delayers: interpretation of symptoms
Taking stock "I can't really explain how I felt, but I didn't feel well and I thought it was time to sit down and think about things. So, I just sat down and had a drink of water and then thought that I would sit more comfortably." "I got my dressing gown on, went downstairs, had a drink of water, went out into the conservatory, went out into the garden. Had a little walk around the garden and I thought: `Oh, this will ease off.'" Previous experience "I knew it was a heart attack because I knew that once you get the pains in the chest and pain in the arm, I knew that it was a heart attack...only because of experience though, you know." Lay medical knowledge "Well I'm not an expert, I just have what I have read in the
newspapers, but I asked my husband if it could be a heart attack
because he had a feeling like ... a belt around
[his] chest and down the left arm." Intuition "I knew it was the heart ... does that sound conceited? But you know your own body and I was pretty sure that that was what it was." |
All of the patients in this group reached a point where they thought they were experiencing either a heart attack or something associated with the heart.
Delayers
The delayers used various medical and non-medical resources
to try to bring their symptoms under control. They also consulted lay
people and used the information in various ways to try to rationalise
the experience of illness. This often resulted in delay as the
experience of others had to be compared and discounted. Contextual and
personal information was used to reinterpret the situation (box,
above).
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Strategy of delayers
Attempts to treat "Yes I said: `Oh, you know, I've got this indigestion' and of course my missus says: `Well take some of your Zantac.' So I did like, you know, but it made no difference and they [mother in law and wife] said: `Try some lemonade.' Then her mum gave me some mints. I tried everything." Lay consultation "He said he thought it could be thyroid but I mean he isn't a doctor ... he said that it could even be a hiatus hernia, because he's got a hiatus hernia and he gets a burning feeling sometimes there." Use of personal and contextual information "I had been doing a lot of these fruit inspections so I'd honestly thought it was just working ... but on Friday I'd got home earlier and so I said: `Ah, I'll do the tea, I'll make something ....' The only thing I can really do is a fry up stuff and that's what I did. I fried up sausages and got some eggs and got some chips in the oven and we had a fry up .... So then I just thought: `Well I've been out drinking, had this fry up and I've got real indigestion.' That's what I thought it was when I went home." |
This process of treatment and continual reassurance and readjustment to the symptoms delayed the realisation that the symptoms were serious enough to require urgent medical intervention. None of the patients in this group considered that they were having a heart attack but eventually came to realise that they were experiencing something serious.
Extended delayers
The extended delayers tried treatments and movement
as well as seeking both lay and medical consultation in their attempts to deal with their experience. The greater the number of interventions used, whether in the form of drugs or consultation, the greater the
delay. Notable in this group was the influence of contact with the
medical profession. Elements of diagnosis by health professionals that
discounted patients' risk of having a heart attack and attributed symptoms to other causes both before and during the cardiac event considerably influenced decision making and added to the delay (box,
next page).
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Extended delayers: two case histories
Case 37 A patient initially thought that her symptoms were caused by a viral infection: "I thought it's not angina because it's both arms. I mean you think, you tend to kid yourself about these things, and I thought: `Well my heart doesn't feel as if its palpitating, doing this' [hand gestures]. And you think these things, and I thought well, I thought it could be a viral infection because of these glands coming up. And sweating like a pig as well." She subsequently contacted her general practitioner's out of hours service and the doctor assured her over the telephone that the symptoms were viral: "`Oh there's a lot of that going around, it's a viral infection, just take some aspirin and if you're not better after 48 hours ring us up again.'" She therefore believed that her problem was viral and treated it accordingly for nearly 24 hours in spite of worsening symptoms. Case 43 A patient became progressively short of breath and developed a "severe" indigestion-type pain. He visited his doctor, who diagnosed hiatus hernia and prescribed drug treatment. He did not gain relief from his symptoms and began to experience other symptoms. Having read the information sheet accompanying the drug to treat hiatus hernia, however, he attributed his additional symptoms to side effects from the drug. "Friday morning [I] was out doing some jobs on the
tractor because it was wet, and I went to move and it felt as if I had
got grease on the bottom of my shoe. It didn't want to go where I
wanted it to. So I went indoors and that and sat down for a little
while, looked on the tablet packet and it said there are side effects,
that it affects your muscles. So, OK, I wasn't worried |
Patients in this group failed to obtain effective help in managing their symptoms and were eventually admitted to hospital because they could no longer cope.
Perception of risk and of heart attacks before the event
Patients' previous perceptions of their own risk varied
among the three groups, with more than twice as many of the
non-delayers considering themselves to be potentially at risk of a
cardiac event compared with the other two groups. In describing a
typical potential victim of a heart attack, informants described a
stereotype unlike themselves (box, above right).
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Perception of heart attack victim and heart attacks
Typical victim
Typical heart attack
Portrayal in media
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Informants' experience of a heart attack
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Discussion
Studies of patient behaviour and decision making at the time of a heart attack have identified socioeconomic class, education, age, sex, marital status, and race as factors implicated in delay. 4 5 Other variables identified include clinical factors such as having had a heart attack before and the intensity of symptoms. 6 7 Our study used a qualitative approach to explain delay rather than produce statistically representative factors associated with delay. Socioeconomic group and previous occurrence of a heart attack were similar in the three groups, but the age and sex distributions varied, with a greater proportion of men under 65 being non-delayers.
The most critical factor influencing the time taken between onset of symptoms and seeking medical help is that patients and others recognise the symptoms as cardiac in origin. Our results show that intervention could take place at various points in the process to help symptom recognition and speed access to effective treatment. Non-delayers were more likely to see themselves as potentially at risk, were able to describe a wider range of symptoms of a heart attack, and were much less likely to treat their symptoms.
The main focus of information campaigns to date has been to recommend that people experiencing central chest pain (some list additional symptoms) for more than 15 minutes should call an ambulance.8-10 We found, however, that for most people a heart attack evolved, they experienced the symptoms for much longer than 15 minutes before seeking help, and many were able to contain or relieve their symptoms to some extent. Thus, in most cases, the 15 minute rule may be too simplistic to be effective. Linked with this is the stereotypical heart attack victim and the perception of a heart attack as a dramatic event in which people collapse with crushing chest pains and probably die. Clearly, the myth that a heart attack is a dramatic event needs to be dispelled and public perceptions of a heart attack and its associated symptoms need to be changed.
Acknowledgments
Contributors: AR initiated the research, discussed core ideas, participated in the protocol design, in analysing and interpreting data, and in writing the paper. JC participated in the data collection and in analysing and interpreting data and contributed to the paper. MC participated in the protocol design, discussed core ideas, and contributed to the paper. AR and MC are guarantors for the study.
Funding: This study was funded by the British Heart Foundation.
Conflict of interest: None.
References
a philosophic and practical guide.
London: Falmer Press
, 1994.(Accepted 16 January 1998)
Judith Green Health Services Research Unit,
London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, London WC1E 7HT
The potential for qualitative research to sensitise
policymakers and practitioners to the perceptions of health service
users and professionals1 and to strengthen aetiological
and health services research2 is now well recognised, but
the reporting of qualitative data continues to generate dissatisfaction
for both researchers and readers. For qualitative researchers used to
the more discursive formats of social science journals, the need to
present succinctly with clear implications for policy or practice can
constrain reports of the theoretical richness, complexity, and
ambiguity of their research findings. For readers, small sample sizes
and illustrative quotes imply impressionistic accounts of doubtful
validity and generalisability. The development of guidelines for
producing
3 4
and judging qualitative
research5-7 has been helpful for researchers and editors,
but a problem remains for many readers about the credibility of
published qualitative research in medical journals. Few authors report
how validity and reliability were maximised,8 and, indeed,
such criteria may be inappropriate in theoretical rather than empirical
studies, which have traditionally been the most influential in
health.9
Grounded theory
One strategy used by some researchers to improve the
credibility of published papers has been to include routinely the line: "the data were analysed using grounded theory," which suggests an
esoteric technique guaranteeing rigour. Unfortunately, what follows may
be merely an account of some key themes in the data, with brief textual
quotes in illustration, and sceptical readers remain unconvinced that
qualitative analysis is anything other than journalistic reportage.
Ruston et al have used the constant comparative method in a more
analytical way to generate data which contribute to understanding what
stops people seeking help quickly after a heart attack and also explore
patients' perceptions of what a normal heart attack looks like. These
findings are most useful to practitioners and health promoters, and the
authors have provided information on how they improved reliability.
However, the constant comparative method, which is derived from
grounded theory, can offer more than this when it is applied and
reported well.
for example, the
description of some patients as "normal rubbish" noted by Jeffrey
in his work on staff in accident and emergency departments. These were
patients attending with minor or self inflicted injuries or those who
had social rather than medical problems.13 However, such
codes are provisional and are essentially descriptive summaries of
respondents' own accounts. Analytical coding requires also questioning
and comparison. Indicators are coded according to a coding paradigm,
which the researcher uses to ask a battery of questions of each
indicator to establish its properties, its dimensions, and its relation to other codes. Constant comparison of indicators with each other refines their fit to the emerging conceptual categories. In the example
of Jeffrey's study of staff in accident and emergency departments,13 the properties of patients termed normal
rubbish were inductively generated through analysing accounts of why
staff did not like dealing with certain patients. Coding also has to be
theoretically informed: Jeffrey used sociological theory about the sick
role to analyse the properties both of patients termed normal rubbish
and of "good patients."13 Normal rubbish were patients
whose behaviour did not conform to social norms of the sick role,
whereas good patients enabled staff to practise clinical and technical
skills.
Validity
The key to developing rigorous and valid theory using the
constant comparative method is the search for deviant cases. These can
be within the researcher's data, which are searched for exceptions to
the emerging relations between codes. Grounded theory also advocates
theoretical sampling, in which potentially deviant cases can be
purposively sampled as the study progresses. A full report of
qualitative analysis should account for deviant cases and how they have
contributed to refining theory. Constant comparison does not stop
within the researcher's own data set. Theoretical insight and
comparative material comes from other research, perhaps outside the
substantive field of interest.
References