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Roland Sturm a RAND, 1700 Main Street, Santa Monica, CA 90401, USA, b RAND, 1200 South Hayes Street,
Arlington, VA 22202, USA Correspondence to: R Sturm sturm{at}rand.org
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Abstract |
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Objectives:
To analyse the relation between
geographical inequalities in income and the prevalence of common
chronic medical conditions and mental health disorders, and to compare
it with the relation between family income and these health problems.
Design:
Nationally representative household
telephone survey conducted in 1997-8.
Setting:
60 metropolitan areas or economic areas
of the United States.
Participants:
9585 adults who participated in the
community tracking study.
Main outcome measures:
Self report of 17 common
chronic medical conditions; current depressive disorder or anxiety
disorder assessed by clinical screeners.
Results:
A strong continuous association was seen between health and education or family income. No relation was found
between income inequality and the prevalence of chronic medical
problems or depressive disorders and anxiety disorders, either across
the whole population or among poorer people. Only self reported overall
health, the measure used in previous studies, was significantly
correlated with inequality at the population level, but this
correlation disappeared after adjustment for individual characteristics.
Conclusions:
This study provides no evidence for
the hypothesis that income inequality is a major risk factor for common
disorders of physical or mental health.
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What is already known on this topic
What this study adds
No such association is seen between income inequality and health |
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Introduction |
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The "income inequality hypothesis" says that disparities in income among members of a community affect their health and, specifically, that economically egalitarian communities or societies have better health outcomes than more unequal communities.1-3 Some proponents argue that inequality in incomes is a stronger determinant of health than the income of individuals or families.1
Initial support for the income inequality hypothesis came from
aggregate level studies of total mortality or cause specific mortality.
1 4-10
More recent studies show mixed results
once individual characteristics are included in the
analysis.11-17 This study re-examines the income
inequality hypothesis with measures of health that reflect the presence
or absence of 17 chronic physical conditions and specific disorders of
mental health, by using data from a survey carried out in 1997-8 in 60 metropolitan or economic areas across the United Sates.
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Methods |
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Sources of data
"Healthcare for Communities" is a household telephone survey
clustered in 60 randomly selected metropolitan areas or economic areas
of the United States; it was carried out in 1997-8.18 This
analysis focuses on 8235 respondents living in the 60 sites for which
measures of income inequality are available (1337 respondents lived
outside the 60 sites).
Outcome measures
For comparability with previous studies we analysed the self
reported general health status of respondents and created an indicator
for a response of poor or fair.
13 14 17
Our measure of
mental health considered four psychiatric disorders
major depressive
disorder, dysthymic disorder, panic disorder, and generalised anxiety
disorder
which we assessed by using the composite international diagnostic interview, short form, plus role limitation for panic disorder.19-21
We assessed physical health from answers to questions about 17 chronic health conditions: asthma; diabetes; hypertension; arthritis; a physical disability; trouble breathing; cancer; a neurological condition; stroke or paralysis; angina, heart failure, or coronary artery disease; chronic back problems; stomach ulcer; chronic liver disease; migraine or chronic severe headaches; chronic bladder problems; chronic gynaecological problems (women only); and unspecified chronic pain. We report results for the overall number of conditions and for the more common individual conditions or conditions that may have psychosocial components.
Income inequality, individual income, and other independent
variables
We calculated income inequality at site level from the community
tracking study. The results shown are based on the Gini
coefficient,22-24 which ranges from 0.38 to 0.54 across the 60 communities. This is higher than the 0.27-0.35 range found in a
British mental health study, indicating higher levels of inequality.25 Income at the individual level was measured
as family income, which includes earnings from work, transfer income, and other sources.
Analyses
We grouped respondents by fifths of family income and by
community level inequality and calculated a weighted mean for the
prevalence of each condition in each group. We tested the association
between prevalence of medical conditions and family income or
inequality by using individual level logistic regressions with an
indicator of a health condition as the dependent variable. We tested
the association both with and without adjustment for other individual
level sociodemographic variables such as age, sex, race or ethnicity,
and size of family.
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Results |
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The prevalence of most conditions decreased continuously across most of the income range (fig 1). However, the magnitude of the drop in the prevalence of health problems tended to be largest from the lowest fifth to the next fifth. The association between family income and prevalence was highly significant for almost all conditions (table 1).
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Consistent with previous studies, we found a highly significant
(P<0.01) association between high income inequality and the probability that a person reports being in poor or fair health, although the finding was not robust to adjustment for other
sociodemographic factors (table 2) Except for this self reported health
measure, however, there was no discernible pattern in health outcomes
by income inequality (fig 2). A third of the conditions were most prevalent in communities with average income inequality, and three health problems (depression, chronic pain, and asthma) were most prevalent in communities with low income inequality (bottom two fifths). With the exception of chronic gynaecological problems, we
found no significant association between any specific health condition
chronic, mental, or otherwise
and income inequality (including conditions not shown). Even the significant result for
gynaecological problems disappeared when individual sociodemographic variables were taken into account. In contrast, the highest prevalence for every condition occurred in one of the two poorest fifths as
stratified by family
income.
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Discussion |
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The relation between income inequality and health has been at the centre of a substantial amount of research, but the measures of health status that have been analysed to date have largely been limited to self reported health status or mortality in the case of physical health, and depressive symptoms or psychological distress for mental health. To our knowledge, this study is the first to explore the association between income inequality and several specific physical conditions as well as particular mental health disorders. Although our data confirm the association between income inequality and poor or fair self reported health, no similar relation exists between income inequality and depressive disorders or anxiety disorders or any of the medical conditions assessed, either at the population level or among people with lower incomes, wealthier people, women, or men. On the other hand, family income and education, which may reflect rank in the social hierarchy, are strongly related to health. Their effects are not confined to differences between the lowest income group and other groups (which would point towards material deprivation as an explanation) but show a gradient that flattens well above the median income level. This finding is similar to that of the Whitehall studies of British civil servants, where social gradients in morbidity and mortality ran from the bottom to the top of the hierarchy.26-28
The sample size of this study provides good statistical power to detect differences between fifths of inequality up to 75% smaller than the estimated differences between fifths of family income. Smaller inequality effects (that is, more than 75% smaller than the estimated differences between fifths of income) may not be detectable, however. Measurement error in the site level inequality measure could also bias estimates downward, but the results were unchanged for alternative inequality measures at the state level.
Although we found no empirical support for the hypothesis that income
inequality affects mortality or self rated health status through higher
rates of specific medical conditions, the results do not necessarily
contradict previously reported associations between income
inequality and self rated health status or mortality. Factors linking
income inequality to health may include the severity of disorder, the
probability that a person receives a diagnosis conditional on having a
disorder, and the way in which having a disorder determines people's
perceptions of their health. But some of these factors are likely to be
influenced by environmental factors other than income inequality,
including state policies and healthcare infrastructure, that may be
unrelated to income distribution. It seems premature to conclude that
income inequality itself is an important risk factor for poor health,
and the results highlight the need to better understand the
psychological and physiological pathways through which the social
environment affects health.
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Acknowledgments |
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We thank Michael Schoenbaum and Jürgen Unützer for comments, Jennifer Mellor and Jeff Milyo for providing their measures of income inequality, and Lingqi Tang and Fuan-Yue Kung for assistance with programming.
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Footnotes |
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Funding: Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, which funded the healthcare for communities survey, and the National Institute of Mental Health (R01-MH62124).
Competing interests: None declared.
The full version of this article
appears on bmj.com
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(Accepted 17 September 2001)