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A C Freeman Somerset and North and
East Devon Primary Care Research Network, Institute of General
Practice, School of Postgraduate Medicine and Health Sciences, Exeter
EX2 5DW Correspondence to: A C Freeman PCRN{at}exeter.ac.uk
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Abstract |
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Objectives:
To explore the reasons why general
practitioners do not always implement best evidence.
Design:
Qualitative study using Balint-style groups.
Setting:
Primary care.
Participants:
19 general practitioners.
Main outcome measures:
Identifiable themes that
indicate barriers to implementation.
Results:
Six main themes were identified that affected the implementation process: the personal and professional experiences of the general practitioners; the patient-doctor relationship; a
perceived tension between primary and secondary care; general practitioners' feelings about their patients and the evidence; and
logistical problems. Doctors are aware that their choice of words with
patients can affect patients' decisions and whether evidence is implemented.
Conclusions:
General practitioner participants seem to act as a conduit within the consultation and regard clinical evidence as a square peg to fit in the round hole of the patient's life. The
process of implementation is complex, fluid, and adaptive.
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What is already known on this topic
What this study adds
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Introduction |
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Although evidence based medicine has heightened awareness of the most effective management strategies for many conditions, much of the evidence is not acted on in everyday clinical practice.1 Numerous strategies to improve implementation of such evidence have been tested,2 and various impediments have been identified.3 General practitioners have been cautious about the evidence based model generally.4 Reasons for this include being reluctant to jeopardise relationships with the patient,5 and patients' unwillingness to take certain drugs.6
There may be unique barriers to implementing evidence in general
practice within a patient centred context.7 We used a qualitative approach to explore the reasons why and circumstances in
which doctors had not implemented evidence they knew about.
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Participants and methods |
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Three focus groups of established general practitioners were set up in three areas, each located around a different district general hospital in the south west of England. Each area is geographically separate by about 80 km and tends to develop its own medical community.
Participants were asked to discuss their behaviour in individual cases, which could be seen as sensitive. We therefore adapted the standard focus group techniques to use a Balint-style model. 8 9 The particular Balint-style feature of these groups that distinguished them from standard focus groups was that each meeting focused around the case notes of a particular patient, the doctor-patient relationship, and the feelings that were generated.
The groups consisted of six to eight volunteer general practitioners, each led by an experienced group leader. Participating doctors represented a mix of urban, rural, and semirural practices. There were a total of 19 doctors: 13 men and six women.
At each meeting, a group member was asked to present the details of a case in which he or she had knowingly not followed evidence based practice. We asked the groups to discuss the case and explore the implementation issues arising from it as well as the doctor's feelings about these issues. The local research ethics committee approved the study. The researchers were not part of the group, but before the first meeting of each group a researcher attended and explained the research agenda.
The meetings were taped and transcribed, and each researcher separately
analysed the transcripts. Each researcher used a grounded theory
approach in developing theoretical principles (or at least explanatory
principles).10 We met to compare analysis and identify common themes. To ensure compatibility of analysis, we each analysed three transcripts jointly and the others separately.
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Results |
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Transcripts for 11 meetings were available for analysis. The main clinical areas the general practitioners discussed included hypertension, ischaemic heart disease, and anticoagulation. Six main themes emerged from the data (box).
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Main themes from data
The process of implementing clinical evidence is affected by the personal and professional experiences of the doctor The relationship that the doctor has with individual patients also affects the process There is a perceived tension between primary and secondary care: the doctors thought that specialists approach evidence based practice differently The practitioner's feelings about their relationships with patients and about the evidence have an important role in modifying how clinical evidence is applied The doctor's choice of words in consultations can sway patients to accept or reject clinical evidence. Doctors realise this and can use it to pre-empt patients' decisions Implementation comes up against logistical problems, which affect how evidence is applied |
Personal and professional experience of practitioner
Despite being a relatively homogeneous group, the general
practitioners' enthusiasm for the evidence and the way in which they
implemented it varied. This seemed to be partly explained by their
previous experience of clinical practice. Mishaps or spectacular
clinical successes can have a direct influence on subsequent practice.
Doctor's relationship with individual patients
Implementation was influenced by the relationships that
doctors developed with their patients. "Even if the evidence was
extremely good," one general practitioner said, "most of us would
only ever interpret it in the context of the patient." Perceived patient characteristics could have a positive or negative effect on implementation.
Perceived tension between primary and secondary care
The general practitioners felt that secondary care doctors
approached evidence based practice differently, treating "diseases
rather than patients" in a context that they perceived as much more
controlled than the "real life" of general practice. On the whole,
the relationship was described in pejorative terms. One doctor
described cardiologists as "being a bit of an evidence based mafia."
change the
quality of their life," said one doctor.
Clinical evidence can evoke feelings among doctors and
patients
For the doctors in our study, clinical evidence is not just
an intellectually celibate commodity that is lifted out of medical
journals and transferred to a patient. It has an emotional impact on
practitioners and patients. "Yes it does make me feel anxious
. . . all the BMJs, all the rags
. . . these people must be on warfarin." " With me
messing about with his medication and trying to practise evidence based
medicine, I found it was making [the patient] feel more anxious."
Words used by doctors can influence patients' decisions
Doctors realised that the words they chose to present the
evidence could have a strong influence on the patient's decision. They
effectively limited the options while seeming to invite the patient to
make the decision. The semantics then affect the way in which evidence
is implemented by swaying the patient in a particular direction.
"There is a reasonable chance of you having a stroke in the next year
or so if you don't do something about your blood pressure
. . . I'm as barbaric as that," commented one participant.
Logistics of general practice
The doctors in this study described some tricky logistical
problems that made them less enthusiastic about implementing clinical
evidence. "Risky," "hard work," and a "hassle" both for doctors and patients were typical descriptions of the problems of
starting treatment. One doctor said, "The problem is starting him on
the ACE because he is very anxious about any medication change, and
every time you change the medication it entails another four or five
visits to go and see him and to try and reassure him that he is on the
right medication."
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Discussion |
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The themes emerging from our study show the
complexity of implementing evidence from well structured clinical
trials in individual patients. Our findings are supported by other
studies in the United Kingdom,
6 11
the
Netherlands,5 and Australia.12 In some ways,
our study illustrates what Kernick has described as the parallel
universes of scientific research and general practice.13 The doctors in this study were exploring personal importance
that is,
the "key to the transfer of an idea to and the evaluation and
interpretation of an idea by the doctor and patient
together."14 Evidence is not implemented in a simple
linear way, as some definitions of evidence based practice imply, but
in an evolving process whereby reciprocal contributions from the doctor
and the patient over time influence how evidence ultimately is used.
Doctors in the groups were talking about situations in which they
already knew the evidence but had not implemented it. Although the
groups did not confine their discussion exclusively to incidents in
which the clinical evidence was not applied, the data focus wholly on
implementation issues. We felt that if a wider brief had been given to
the groups
for example, to discuss implementation generally
the
detail of the difficulties these practitioners had implementing
evidence would have been less likely to come up. There was plenty of
evidence that the doctors were implementing evidence and were happy to
do so.
The data also indicated that doctors were working together with
patients and for the benefit of their patients. Sometimes these factors
and the doctor's experience lead to the conclusion that strictly
sticking to the rules of guidelines is not appropriate. Whether that is
the strength of individual doctoring in a long standing and trusting
relationship with a patient or a weakness remains open to debate.
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Acknowledgments |
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We thank the general practitioners who gave their time to help in this research.
Contributors: see bmj.com
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Footnotes |
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Funding: This research was supported by a grant from the NHS South West Research and Development Executive.
Competing interests: None declared.
The full version of this article
appears on bmj.com
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References |
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(Accepted 6 August 2001)
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