Cumulative socioeconomic disadvantage and mortality
Most of
the numerous studies relating socioeconomic position to
mortality have used measures of socioeconomic circumstances in
adulthood.1-5 This in part reflects the view that
exposures acting at this time have the most impact on the risk of
premature death.8 However, the risk of premature death may
reflect the accumulation of environmental insults or the cumulative
effects of unfavourable behavioural or psychological factors, which
progressively increase susceptibility to disease.25-26
The few studies that have assessed socioeconomic position throughout
life show the strengths of this notion. Thus in a study based on record
linkage of the 1960, 1970, and 1980 censuses in Norway particularly
high risks of premature death were seen among men who had had limited
education and then worked in manual occupations and lived in poor
housing.27-28 Similar findings have come from the
national longitudinal survey of older men in the United
States.18
Our cohort was recruited from workplaces, but the study was
initiated at a time of comparatively low unemployment and recruited men
from across the social spectrum. The mortality differentials according
to social class in our study are similar to those in men of the same
age group in Scotland around 1981, the midpoint of the follow up
period. For men aged 55 to 64 in the general Scottish population the
death rates were 66% higher in social classes IV and V than in social
classes I and II.29 In our study the age adjusted death
rate was 61% higher in men of social classes IV and V than in men of
social classes I and II. The general population data also show
mortality differentials for the main causes of death that are similar
in size to those seen in our study. Our workplace sample thus seems to
be a reasonable model for studying factors underlying socioeconomic
differentials in risk of premature death in the general population, and
the non-response rate, which is comparable to that in other such
studies, does not seem to have introduced any serious bias. Our
findings (a) that socioeconomic position in early and
later life contribute separately to the risk of premature death and
(b) that the risk can be further differentiated by
adding additional adult socioeconomic indicators (use of a car and area
based deprivation category) to the cumulative social class indicator
are likely to be generalisable to other populations.
The cumulative social class indicator shows graded associations with
most of the risk factors and morbidity measures included in our study.
Strong associations with mortality were also evident. Adjustment for
risk factors measured in adulthood attenuated the association of social
class with mortality from cancer and from non-cancer,
non-cardiovascular causes more than it did that with mortality from
cardiovascular disease. This may partly reflect the fact that a major
risk factor for coronary heart disease - serum cholesterol
concentration - was higher in the group with the more favourable
socioeconomic experience.
The use of a cumulative social class indicator does not take into
account directions of social class change. Thus a participant whose
father had had a manual occupation, whose first occupation had been
manual, and who had a non-manual occupation at screening would be in
the same group as a participant whose father had had a non-manual
occupation and who had manual occupations both at first and at
screening. Other studies have suggested that social mobility is not an
important contributor to overall mortality
differentials,30 and detailed analyses of our data (to be
reported elsewhere) show this too. We repeated the mortality analyses
using all combinations of social class and found that the associations
of mortality with cumulative social class were generally not dependent
on the order in which different social classes came (basic tables
available from us).
Socioeconomic position in childhood and mortality
There has
been particular interest in the association between
living conditions in childhood and risk of coronary heart disease in
adult life. This follows from the work of Forsdahl, who suggested that
early deprivation followed by later affluence increased the risk of
coronary heart disease, an effect in part mediated by an increase in
blood cholesterol concentrations.31-32 The attribution of
increased risk of coronary heart disease to an interaction between poor
socioeconomic circumstances in early life and later affluence has
received little support from subsequent studies.9-10 33
Similarly, the suggestion that the effects of deprivation in early life
are mediated through high blood cholesterol concentrations in adulthood
has not been substantiated in later investigations.33 In
our cohort men with fathers of a manual social class had lower, rather
than higher, serum cholesterol concentrations than men with fathers of
a non-manual social class.34 In contrast to these negative
assessments of the Forsdahl hypothesis, the basic notion that
unfavourable socioeconomic conditions in childhood predispose to
increased risk of coronary heart disease in adulthood has received more
support. Most9 11 13 33 35-37 but not
all10 38 studies have found an association of childhood
socioeconomic circumstances with risk of coronary heart disease, which
was apparently not purely due to the adverse social conditions in
adulthood of those born into poor circumstances. In a Swedish census
follow up study men with fathers who had manual occupations had
considerably higher risk of dying from coronary heart disease than had
those whose fathers had non-manual occupations.35 For
mortality from all causes this was much less evident, mortality being
dependent on social class in adulthood much more than social class in
childhood. This particular dependence of the risk of coronary heart
disease on socioeconomic circumstances in childhood has also been
observed in area based studies from Finland.39-40 Our
study had similar findings, father's social class being particularly
important for mortality from cardiovascular disease but not for
mortality from cancer or non-cardiovascular, non-cancer causes.
Analyses of the association between height and cause specific
mortality, in which height is taken to be an indicator of childhood
circumstances, show similar specificity.41 These findings
are clearly relevant to the hypothesis that fetal development is
associated with the risk of cardiovascular disease in later
life42 as parental social class will influence early
development. Socioeconomic factors in childhood will also influence
growth, and recent evidence suggests that poor growth in childhood is
also associated with higher mortality from cardiovascular disease in
adulthood.43 Studies with data covering all stages of
development are needed to determine which stages of development most
affect the risk of cardiovascular disease in adulthood.
Conclusions
Our data show a clear cumulative effect of
socioeconomic
circumstances acting over a life time. Combining the cumulative social
class index with additional indicators of socioeconomic position in
adulthood led to further differentiation of the risk of premature
death. This has important implications for studies that try to control
for socioeconomic factors when analysing outcomes in relation to
socially patterned exposures. Single measures of adult social class,
traditionally used in such studies, will not adequately capture the
full extent of socioeconomic differentials between groups with
different exposures. Statistical adjustment for these single measures
will therefore not control for socioeconomic differences, and
apparently independent risk relations may remain confounded by factors
related to socioeconomic environment.44
Specific patterns emerge within the general picture of higher death
rates among people with less favourable socioeconomic trajectories
during their lives.
| Key messages |
| Health and risk of premature death are determined by
socioeconomic factors acting throughout life
Socioeconomic influences on particular causes of death may
have different critical times
The risk of premature death from cardiovascular disease is
particularly sensitive to socioeconomic influences acting in early life
Studies with data on socioeconomic circumstances at only one
stage of life are inadequate for fully elucidating the contribution of
socioeconomic factors to health |
Firstly, mortality from cardiovascular disease seems to be more
strongly related to cumulative social disadvantage than does that from
cancer or non-cardiovascular, non-cancer causes.
Secondly, whereas social class in adulthood is the more important
socioeconomic indicator over a life time for differentiating groups
with differing risks of mortality from cancer and non-cardiovascular,
non-cancer causes, the socioeconomic environment in childhood seems to
be particularly important with respect to mortality from cardiovascular
disease. These findings should help direct the attention of disease
specific aetiological research to influences acting both in childhood
and in adult life.
The Department of Health's report Variations in Health
has directed attention to the accumulation of socially patterned
adverse exposures over a life time.17 Our results add to
the as yet limited data that show the necessity of such an approach.
Any serious attempt to elucidate the contributions of socially
distributed risk factors to the risk of disease in adulthood should aim
to collect information covering the entire lifespan of study
participants.14
Funding: The investigation of socioeconomic determinants of
mortality in this cohort is supported by a grant from the NHS
Management Executive, Cardiovascular Disease and Stroke Research and
Development Initiative.
Conflict of interest: None.
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(Accepted 18 December 1996)
Department of Social Medicine,
University of Bristol,
Bristo BS8 2PR
George Davey Smith,
professor of clinical epidemiology
Department
of Public Health,
University of Glasgow,
Glasgow G12 8RZ
Carole
Hart, statistician
Academic
Department of Psychiatry,
Charing Cross and Westminster Medical School,
London W6 8RP
David Blane, senior lecturer in
medical sociology
West of Scotland Cancer Surveillance Unit,
Ruchill Hospital,
Glasgow G20 9NB
Charles Gillis,
director
University of Michigan,
School of Public Health,
Department of Epidemiology,
109 Observatory
Road,
Ann Arbor,
MI 48109,
USA
Victor Hawthorne,
professor of
epidemiology
Correspondence to: Professor Davey
Smith.